DWS, Sunday 1st September to Saturday 7th September 2013

	DWS, Sunday 1st September to Saturday 7th September 2013
The DAWN Wire Service (DWS) is a free weekly news-service from Pakistan's largest English language newspaper, the daily DAWN. DWS offers news, analysis and features of particular interest to the Pakistani Community on the Internet. DWS is sent by e-mail every Saturday. What’s Inside? National News | Editorial | Columns & Articles	For suggestions and comments: Email: webmaster@dawn.com Website: http://dawn.com Fax: +92(21) 35693995 Please send all Editorial submissions and Letters to the Editor to: letters@dawn.com
NATIONAL NEWS
US drone kills 3; FO worried about fallout By Pazir Gul MIRAMSHAH/ ISLAMABAD, Aug 31: A day after the government said it had initiated contacts with the Taliban in an effort to restore peace in the country, an American drone killed at least three suspected militants in a missile strike in North Waziristan. . According to a security official and local residents, the drone fired missiles at a building and a parked vehicle in a village near Mirali on Saturday, killing three militants. On its part, the government condemned the air strike and said that continued drone attacks could adversely affect already difficult relations between the US and Pakistan. The security official said the main building on the targeted compound was a madressah run by Hafiz Gul Bahadur, but was currently occupied by militants from Tajikistan. “Militants are clearing the rubble and pulling out bodies,” the official said, citing local militants. “These are preliminary reports. We do not know the identity of those killed as yet,” the official said. It was the 18th drone attack in the tribal belt this year, according to the Bureau of Investigative Journalism, which collects data about the attacks. The last attack occurred on July 28 when a missile struck a group of militants near the Afghan border. The attack left six people dead. There have been over 370 drone attacks in the country since the covert CIA-directed campaign started in 2004. Baqir Sajjad Syed adds: “These drone strikes have a negative impact on the mutual desire of both countries to forge a cordial and cooperative relationship and to ensure peace and stability in the region,” Foreign Office spokesman Aizaz Chaudhry said in a statement condemning the latest drone attack in Mirali region of North Waziristan. The attack coincided with a disclosure that the government and Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan were in secret talks. Another attack on May 29 had killed Taliban deputy Waliur Rehman, who was said to have favoured dialogue with the government. Rehman’s death had then served as a temporary setback to the planned dialogue. The statement pointing towards adverse impact of drone attacks on ties comes ahead of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s meeting with President Obama on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly session in New York in September. Foreign Affairs and National Security Adviser Sartaj Aziz had a day earlier told the National Assembly that the government had forcefully raised the issue of drones in dialogue with the United States and expressed hopes that drone strikes would end in the near future. Mr Aziz had further said that drone attacks kill innocent civilians. It has been a consistent Pakistani position that the drone attacks violate its sovereignty, have humanitarian implications and set dangerous trends in inter-state relations. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, during his visit to Pakistan two weeks ago, had said that drone attacks needed to be brought under international law.
Taliban deny talks with govt MIRAMSHAH: A spokesman for the Pakistani Taliban on Saturday denied media reports that the group was holding peace talks with the government. . Shahidullah Shahid, spokesman for the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), said no contacts had been made between the group and any government official. “I categorically deny the holding of peace talks on any level between the Taliban and Pakistan government,” Shahid said with reference to reports that backchannel negotiations were under way between the PML-N and TTP. “No contacts have even been made between us, nor have we received any offer to initiate peace talks,” Mr Shahid added. “It is complete propaganda, the government must make it public if it has any proof of any such talks.” The TTP spokesman was reacting to remarks made by Information Minister Pervez Rashid on Friday. “Unofficial talks between the government side and Taliban are in progress,” the minister told Dawn. According to Mr Rashid, the government’s main objective was to restore peace and it would do everything possible to achieve that. “We have to rid the country of the menace of terrorism for which all options will be utilised.” The reports of peace talks emerged almost two weeks after Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif made an offer to militants in his first address to the nation since taking office in June.—AFP
PoL prices move up By Kalbe Ali ISLAMABAD, Aug 31: The government on Saturday raised the prices of petroleum products by up to Rs4.71 per litre, citing the rising trend in the international market.. However, following directives of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, the government made a partial increase of Rs2.5 per litre in the price of high speed diesel (HSD), which is mostly used in agriculture and transport sectors. The summary sent to the prime minister had proposed an increase of Rs3.57 per litre in the HSD price. “The government has given a subsidy of Rs1.07 per litre in the price of HSD to facilitate consumers following direction of the prime minister,” a senior government official said. Total subsidy on the HSD price now stood at Rs3.63 per litre, he added. The government has passed on the full impact of increase in prices of all petroleum products, except HSD, to consumers. The new price of HSD is Rs112.26 per litre. The price of petrol has gone up by Rs4.64 per litre, from Rs104.50 to Rs109.14 per litre. The price of kerosene, which is used as a fuel for stoves in remote areas where liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) is not readily available, has seen an increase of Rs4.71 per litre, bringing its price up from Rs101.28 to Rs105.99 per litre. The price of light diesel oil (LDO), mainly used for industrial purposes, has been increased by Rs2.31 per litre, from Rs96.12 to Rs98.43 per litre. The price of high octane blending component (HOBC), which is mainly used in luxury cars, has been increased by Rs5.89 per litre, from Rs132.44 to Rs138.33 per litre.
FC convoy ambushed; 7 militants die in shootout By Saleem Shahid QUETTA, Aug 31: At least seven militants were killed and 11 others injured in an encounter with security forces in Mand area, close to the border with Iran, in Kech district on Saturday. . “Seven militants have been killed and 11 others injured in a fierce fight which lasted several hours in Mand area,” a spokesman for Frontier Corps, Balochistan, said. Sources said that an FC convoy on way to the Iranian border was ambushed by militants in Dokob area of Mand town. The FC men immediately took position and returned fire. They said heavy exchange of fire continued for four hours in which both sides used rockets against each other. The encounter left seven militants dead and 11 injured. The injured were arrested by security forces. “Two militant commanders were also injured in the clash,” the FC spokesman said, adding that a search operation was carried out in a vast area of Mand to trace militant hideouts. Earlier, the FC spokesman had put the death toll at 10. However, he confirmed later that seven militants had died and 11 injured. Official sources said that the search operation was still continuing. An armed man was killed in the same area when Frontier Corps personnel were attacked by militants. The deceased was identified as Liaquat Ali and the BLF had also confirmed his death. Meanwhile, a spokesman for the banned Baloch Liberation Front, Gohram Baloch, did not confirm any death in the encounter with security forces. “No casualty was reported in the clash with FC men,” he told journalists by satellite phone from an unknown place. However, he claimed that BLF armed men attacked security forces and killed many soldiers. EXPLOSIVES SEIZED: Meanwhile, the FC spokesman said that FC troops also recovered a huge quantity of explosive material during a raid at a place in Piralizai area of Pishin district on Saturday night. The cache include five tons of explosive material, two tons of potassium chloride, 200 detonators, 10 bundles of wire, six bundles of Prama-card, 20kg hot explosives, one 47-AK rifle and two motorcycles. “The FC arrested three suspects,” sources said.
Obama firm on Syria action, but awaits Congress approval By Anwar Iqbal WASHINGTON, Aug 31: US President Barack Obama announced on Saturday that he would take military action against Syria but would do so only with congressional authorisation.. “After careful deliberation I have decided the United States should take military action against Syrian targets,” Mr Obama said. “I’m confident we can hold the Assad regime accountable for their use of chemical weapons.” In a statement read at the White House Rose Garden, the president said that congressional leaders had agreed to schedule a debate and vote when they returned to session. Standing with Vice President Joe Biden and a US flag fluttering behind him, Mr Obama declared: “We are prepared to strike whenever we choose. I’m prepared to give that order.” He also said he had the authority under his executive powers to launch an attack, but believed that seeking a congressional vote was a better route. The US Congress is scheduled to resume its session on Sept 9 after the summer recess and Mr Obama said his commanders had told him that a delay would not affect their capability to strike. “The chairman of the Joint Chiefs has informed me that we are prepared to strike whenever we choose, moreover the chairman has indicated to me that our capacity to execute this mission is not time-sensitive,” he said. “It will be effective tomorrow, or next week, or one month from now, and I am prepared to give that order.” House Speaker John Boehner, a Republican, welcomed Mr Obama’s decision to seek congressional authorisation and said he expected the house to consider the measure in the week starting on Sept 9. “Under the constitution, the responsibility to declare war lies with Congress,” the speaker said. “We are glad the president is seeking authorisation for any military action in Syria in response to serious, substantive questions being raised.” As Mr Obama was leaving the garden after reading his statement, a reporter shouted if he would forgo the strike if Congress rejected his call but he did not respond. It’s unclear if Congress would give him the authorisation he was seeking and Mr Obama also referred to this uncertainty in his statement, saying that after this week’s vote in Britain, some of his aides had also advised him not to go to Congress. The British parliament rejected a motion to participate in the US-led military operation in Syria. But he decided to “seek authorisation for the use of force from the American people’s representatives in Congress,” Mr Obama said, adding that on Saturday morning he spoke to all four congressional leaders, and they agreed to schedule a debate and then a vote as soon as Congress came back into session. “In the coming days, my administration stands ready to provide every member with the information they need to understand what happened in Syria and why it has such profound implications for America’s national security. And all of us should be accountable as we move forward, and that can only be accomplished with a vote,” he said. “We cannot and will not turn a blind eye to what happened in Damascus … now is time to show the world that America keeps its commitments,” he said. Mr Obama described the Aug 21 attack on a Damascus suburb as “an assault on human dignity,” which also “presents a serious danger to our national security”. Hundreds of civilians were killed in the Aug 21 attack when Syrian forces allegedly fired chemical weapons at an opposition neighbourhood. The Syrian government denies the charge, saying instead that the rebels have been using chemical weapons against their forces.
Five dead in attacks on clinics in Karachi By Imran Ayub KARACHI, Aug 31: A homoeopath and four other people were killed when gunmen attacked two clinics in Landhi area of the city on Saturday night. Four people were injured. . In the first incident, at least four attackers sprayed a clinic in Shah Latif Town with bullets, killing four people and injuring two men and two women, police said. Investigators found the incident to be the result of personal enmity. However, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement claimed that the clinic was owned by a member of one of its committees. “The clinic is situated in Bhains Colony of Shah Latif Town,” Malir SP Ahmed Jamal said. “Initial investigations suggest that four to six armed men came on two motorcycles and entered the clinic. They fired on people inside the clinic and escaped.” He said the clinic was owned by Dr Ghulam Sarwar Dahri, who was a member of the MQM’s Muzafati Organising Committee. The doctor escaped unhurt, but his son Ghulam Murtaza and nephew Salim Dahri lost their lives, the SP said. An official at the Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Centre (JPMC) said two of the injured died during treatment, bringing the death toll to four. “They have been identified as Khadim Hussain Lashari and Shahzad Ayub. The injured were Afshan, Kiran, Haq Nawaz and Abdul Hakeem. One of the injured is in critical condition,” he said. In the other incident, a homoeopath belonging to the Ahmadi community was shot dead. Police said gunmen targeted 55-year-old Syed Tahir Ahmad when he was in his clinic, checking patients. “He ran the clinic in one of the rooms of his 120-yard house in Khurramabad,” said an official of the Landhi police station. “Two men pretending to be patients came to him and one of them fired at him.” A father of five, the homoeopath suffered two bullet wounds and died, the police official said. His body was taken to the JPMC for medico-legal formalities.
‘Homework’ done for Karachi operation: minister ISLAMABAD, Aug 31: The Federal Minister for Information and Broadcasting, Senator Pervez Rashid, has said that homework had been done for launching an operation against miscreants in Karachi. . The strategy to restore peace would be finalised with the consensus of all political parties, said the minister while talking to a private news channel. He said a special meeting of the federal cabinet would be held in Karachi on Tuesday to thrash out a strategy for taking on terrorists in the city. The information minister said the proposed operation in Karachi would be supervised by the chief minister of Sindh and all federal security agencies would extend their full cooperation to him. An indiscriminate action will be taken against miscreants, he added. The minister said the Sindh governor, the chief minister and representatives of law enforcement agencies would attend the cabinet meeting. In reply to a question, Mr Rashid said the government would utilise all options against criminals and gangsters.—APP
Pakistani team to visit India next week By Malik Asad ISLAMABAD, Aug 31: An eight-member panel of Pakistani prosecution and defence lawyers will visit India next week to cross-examine four Indian witnesses in the Mumbai attack case, a Federal Investigation Agency prosecutor informed an anti-terrorism court here on Saturday.. FIA’s special prosecutor Mohammad Azhar Chaudhry told journalists after the court proceedings that the Indian government had issued schedule for recording statements of and cross-examining witnesses — R.V. Sawant Waghule, the person who recorded the confessional statement of Ajmal Kasab; Chief Investigation Officer Ramesh Mahale; and Ganesh Dhunraj and Chintaman Mohite, the doctors who carried out the post-mortem of the terrorists killed during the attack. The Indian authorities had proposed to the Pakistani panel to reach Mumbai by Sept 5-6. However, because of non-availability of flights on these dates it has been decided that they would leave Pakistan for India on Sept 7. The schedule was issued by the Indian ministry of external affairs on Aug 23, and the same was forwarded to Pakistan’s interior ministry through diplomatic channels. Earlier in January, the Indian authorities had asked the Pakistani panel to visit Mumbai for cross-examining the witnesses and the Mumbai High Court (MHC) had appointed Chief Metropolitan Magistrate A.A. Khan presiding officer of the commission. However, the visit could not take place because of some legal complications and in the meantime Mr Khan retired. The MHC has now appointed P.Y. Ladekar to head the commission. The Pakistani panel will be comprised of lead defence counsel Khawaja Haris Ahmed, Riaz Akram Cheema, Khizer Hayat, Raja Ehsanullah Satti, FIA special prosecutor Chaudhry Mohammad Azhar, Syed Husnain Abuzar Pirzada, FIA deputy director Faqir Mohammad and court official Abdul Hameed. Senior defence counsel Malik Rafique has refused to join the Mumbai commission’s proceedings, citing security concerns. Talking to Dawn, Mr Rafique said that under ‘present circumstances’ a visit by Pakistani counsel to India would not be safe. He said that under the Criminal Procedure Code the Indian witnesses should have appeared before a Pakistani court, but they had refused to visit Pakistan. In March last year, the Pakistani panel had joined the Mumbai commission’s proceedings but later challenged the same in an anti-terrorism court of Rawalpindi, saying they were not given the right to cross-examine the witnesses. In July 2012, the ATC declared the entire exercise of the Mumbai commission illegal after which both Pakistan and India set aside their earlier agreement of November 2010 and decided to allow defence counsel to cross-examine the four Indian witnesses. Riaz Cheema, one of the defence counsel, told Dawn that after cross-examining the Indian witnesses their statements could be used for or against seven Pakistani suspects who had allegedly facilitated the Mumbai attack. He said the Mumbai commission would commence its proceedings on Sept 9. The recording of statements and cross-examining of the Indian witnesses would take about four days after which the Pakistani panel would return home by Sept 14.
MQM leader denies role in disappearance of containers By Our Staff Reporter KARACHI, Aug 31: Senior leader of Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) and former minister for ports and shipping Babar Ghori has denied involvement in the alleged disappearance of 19,000 containers carrying arms from ports during his tenure as minister. . “It’s ridiculous,” he said about the allegation while talking to reporters at the airport on Saturday. “One can’t even imagine releasing a single container without the permission of all agencies present at the ports. The FBR (Federal Board of Revenue) enjoys authority for releasing containers after all due formalities.” Director General of Rangers Maj-Gen Rizwan Akhtar submitted in the Supreme Court that about 19,000 containers carrying arms and vehicles had gone missing a few years ago and it must be pointed out who was at the helm of affairs in the ports and shipping ministry at that time. The Supreme Court later set up a one-man commission to find out whether arms and ammunition were brought or smuggled through the sea and suggest measures to stop it. Mr Ghori said he would face every investigation and that as minister he did not go beyond the set rules. He said the DG Rangers in a statement had already denied that he did not mention his name or anyone’s role in the disappearance of the containers.
ANP changes stance, hails talks with militants By Faiz Mohammad Khan CHARSADDA, Aug 31: In an apparent change in his party’s stance over peace talks with the Pakistani Taliban, Awami National Party president Asfandyar Wali Khan has welcomed reports about the government’s backchannel talks with the militants. . “We want peace at any cost. The ANP held talks with Taliban for peace in Swat,” he said at a news conference at his Wali Bagh residence here on Saturday. “We were the first political party that held dialogue with militants in 2008 and 2009 in Swat,” he recalled. The ANP believed in peaceful coexistence and couldn’t think of resorting to unlawful acts, Asfandyar Wali said. In reply to a question about the arrest of ANP workers in Karachi, Mr Wali said his party was opposed to violence and would support efforts to restore the rule of law in that city. “The sacrifices rendered by ANP leaders and workers to end violence are known to everyone,” he said.
Audit department reports irregularities in BISP By Mubarak Zeb Khan ISLAMABAD, Aug 31: Irregularities, mismanagement and corruption have plagued the Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP) over the past few years, according to two audit reports. . These have caused heavy financial losses to national exchequer, a fact that has been recorded in at least two audit documents — the Federal Directorate of Audit Report for 2012-13 and the Auditor General of Pakistan Audit Report for the same period. The Federal Directorate of Audit and Inspection’s Report on the accounts of BISP, a copy of which is available with Dawn, reveals not only irregularities but also blatant disregard for established rules and regulations. The BISP was established through an act of parliament in October 2008. Its expenditures amount to Rs165 billion to date, approximately 85 per cent of which came from the government exchequer. The remaining 15 to 16 per cent expenditures were from donor sources in the form of loans, which the government of Pakistan will repay with interest. Federal auditors in the report reveal that the BISP management paid Rs2.648 billion to State Life Insurance Corporation (SLIC) from July 2010 to 2012 on account of Group Life Insurance. The BISP entered into an agreement with SLIC on Feb 3 last year for a health insurance scheme. The BISP paid Rs98.509 million to SLIC in 2011-12 to support the scheme. The audit observed that SLIC was awarded the group insurance contracts without open competition. Similarly, SLIC did not participate in the advertised invitation for proposals. It further says SLIC did not have any health insurance experience as it only deals in life insurance. Since the invitation for proposals was for health insurance, a contract for group life insurance was not proper, the report observed. As per BISP law, the government will have to constitute a council, with the President of Pakistan as it chief patron and the prime minister as it executive patron. The BISP board will have to present its annual progress report to the council. The audit recommends that the council may be constituted and accordingly the annual progress report may be submitted by the board. The BISP management has allocated Suzuki Cultus 1000cc cars to directors with monthly petrol ceiling and paid Rs3.269 million during 2010-12 on account of repair and maintenance. The audit recommends that recovery be initiated from non-entitled officers under intimation to audit and details be provided for any vehicles that have been monetized. There are reports that 11 of the stated individuals, who were given government cars, are non-management scale consultants. It is pertinent to mention here that the BISP management purposely did not provide the complete details of the cars that were used or are being used. The BISP management paid an amount of Rs1.930 million on account of cash award to technical assistance consultant from the government of Pakistan funds to 24 consultants during 2011-12. The audit observed that 24 consultants are not government servants. The payment of cash award from government funds was irregular as technical consultants are not authorised to draw cash reward from government funds. The BISP management purchased four Suzuki Cultus cars at a cost of Rs5.710 million despite ban on the purchase of vehicles from development budget. The audit observed that this purchase of vehicles was in violation of the austerity measures of the government. The audit report reveals that the weak MIS system controls resulting in excess payment of Rs305.577 million to non-eligible beneficiaries and misrepresentation of facts resulting in extra payment — Rs66.968 million. It further exposes duplicate payment to BISP beneficiaries through Pakistan Post and Benazir Debit Card to the tune of Rs1.359 million and irregular hiring of Pakistan Post cost Rs180.694 million used for delivery of letters to beneficiaries. The report says that BISP has spent Rs1.647 billion for various prints and electronic advertising during 2010-11 and 2011-12. Of these 89 per cent advertisements were routed through one advertising agency. According to the audit report, the appointment of the advertisement firm without open competition and due evaluation is irregular. It recommends that the matter may be inquired and responsibility may be fixed for the irregularity.
Formal dialogue with Taliban yet to be initiated By Syed Irfan Raza ISLAMABAD, Sept 1: The government announced on Sunday that it would consult all parties in parliament before initiating formal talks with the Taliban.. “Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif wants to take the heads of all parliamentary parties into confidence after returning from Karachi next week,” Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan said. He said the government had not yet initiated ‘formal’ talks with the banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). However, he did not deny reports that backchannel negotiations were already under way. It may be mentioned that Information Minister Pervez Rashid had told Dawn on Friday that ‘backchannel’ talks between the government and Taliban were taking place and official contacts would be made soon. The interior minister issued in a statement on issued in Sunday said the “prime minister will soon take parliament into confidence before holding formal talks with the TTP”. He said he was satisfied that all political parties were on the same page on the issue of establishing lasting peace. “There is a broad-based consensus among all political parties on the issue.” The minister also said that the “TTP too has opened the door for dialogue and peace”. However, he did not say with which group of Taliban the government planned to hold talks, on what conditions and who would guarantee any agreement reached in the process. The minister advised the media to be careful while reporting on issues relating to terrorism. “It is a sensitive issue and, therefore, the media should avoid publicising reports attributed to any federal minister and government official without mentioning their names,” he said. He also advised the media to first confirm a report on the sensitive issue with the interior ministry before publicising it. Chaudhry Nisar expressed doubts that some elements claiming to be government officials had started talks with the Taliban and some people claiming to be close to the militants had offered their services to play the role of mediators. Such reports, he said, would harm the peace process and create confusions. As far as the government was concerned, the minister said, it had chalked out a plan and all mainstream political parties would be informed about it. “It would be premature to say that a dialogue has been started between the government and the TTP,” he said. The government recently announced that it would convene a conference to seek proposals for preparing guidelines for talks. The conference could not take place for one reason or another but leaders of mainstream parties, including the PPP, PTI, ANP and PML-Q have endorsed the idea of holding talks with militants. Information Minister Pervez Rashid said on Friday that the government was exploring all options for restoring peace in the country and contacts had been made with the Taliban at different levels. JUI-F chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman told reporters at the Parliament House the same day that the government and Taliban were coming close to each other on the need to hold negotiations.
Roadside bomb kills 9 troops near Miramshah By Pazir Gul MIRAMSHAH, Sept 1: Nine security personnel were killed and 10 others injured in a bomb attack near Miramshah, the administrative headquarters of North Waziristan tribal region, on Sunday, officials said.. A military convoy was heading to Miramshah from Datakhel when one of the vehicles was hit by the remote-controlled bomb on the Boya Road. They said three soldiers were killed on the spot and several others suffered multiple injuries. Later, an official said that six more personnel had died, raising the death toll to nine. The injured were taken to a military hospital in Bannu. Security forces backed by helicopter gunships conducted a search operation in the area after the incident, but no arrest was reported. The political administration imposed a curfew in the area and main roads leading to the area remained closed. In another incident, several rockets were fired on a military checkpost near Mirali on Saturday night, but no casualty or damage to property was reported. AFP adds: “At least nine soldiers embraced shahadat [martyrdom] and 19 others were injured in an explosion caused by an improvised explosive device,” said a senior security official. The convoy was carrying regular soldiers and members of the paramilitary Frontier Corps, he added. On Saturday, three militants were killed in a US drone strike in Mirali area. Militant groups, including the Taliban and Al Qaeda, operate in the volatile tribal region.
Sarin used in Syrian attack, claims Kerry By Anwar Iqbal WASHINGTON, Sept 1: US Secretary of State John Kerry said on Sunday that samples collected from the sites of the Aug 21 chemical weapons attack in Syria have tested positive for Sarin gas.. In a series of interviews to various US television channels, Secretary Kerry claimed that medical volunteers, who were among the first to arrive at an attack site in East Damascus, had collected the samples. “Blood and hair samples that have come to us through an appropriate chain of custody from east Damascus from first responders — it has tested positive for signatures of Sarin,” he told CNN. “Each day that goes by, this case is even stronger.” In another interview to NBC, Secretary Kerry said the use of chemical weapons puts Syrian President Bashar el-Assad in the same category as the world’s most bloody dictators. “Bashar Assad now joins the list of Adolph Hitler and Saddam Hussein [who] have used these weapons in time of war,” he said. Sarin is a colourless, odourless liquid which quickly turns into a gas. It attacks the nervous system, choking the victim to a painful death in one minute after the exposure. A victim’s clothing can release Sarin for about 30 minutes after contact, which can lead to exposure of other people. UN resolution 687 classified Sarin as a weapon of mass destruction and the Chemical Weapons Convention of 1993 outlawed its production and stockpiling. More than 1,400 people, including 400 children, were killed in the Aug 21 chemical weapons attack in East Damascus. The United States claims that the Syrian government used the weapons to subdue rebels in an opposition-controlled neighbourhood. The Syrian government denies the charge and has blamed the rebels for the attack. In interview to ABC News, Mr Kerry said President Barack Obama could act even if Congress did not back him, but “we are not going to lose this vote”, he added. In a statement he read at the White House Rose Garden on Saturday, President Obama declared that he would take a military action against the Syrian government but with congressional approval. He sent the matter to Congress “for a debate and a vote”. Congress resumes on Sept 9 after a summer break and congressional leaders have promised to start the debate early next week. While both Republicans and Democrats have welcomed Mr Obama’s decision to seek congressional assent, some also warned there’s no assurance that Congress would approve his plan. Senator James Inhofe, the top Republican on the Senate Armed Services Committee, told Fox News he didn’t think the use of force would be approved. “Our military is so degraded right now,” he said. Congressman Peter King, another Republican who chairs a House subcommittee on counter-terrorism, also warned that it would “be difficult to get the vote through” a Republican-dominated Congress. “If the vote was today it would probably be a ‘No’ vote. The president has not made the case.” he said. The congressman said he would vote for the action but he was among a few who would do so as most lawmakers were reluctant to back Mr Obama. Secretary Kerry, who spent more than 30 years in Congress before joining the administration, disagreed. “I don’t believe that my former colleagues in the Senate and the House will turn their backs on all of our interests, on the credibility of our country, on the norm with respect to the enforcement of the prohibition against the use of chemical weapons, which has been in place since 1925,” he told NBC. Another Democrat, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, voiced his support for military action in Syria and said the Senate would vote in favour of the president’s decision. Republican Senators John McCain and Lindsey Graham said they would support the president if he agrees to do more than launching “just surgical strikes”. They want the US administration to help rebels topple the Assad government. Some Republican lawmakers suspected that the White House might have decided not to use force against Syria and was now seeking a congressional stamp on its decision. “I hope this is not a case of them having second thoughts and using Congress as a foil,” said Senator Bob Corker, the senior Republican on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Mr Corker said he sought and received assurances from the White House that the president was fully committed to pursuing the military options. Mr Obama’s decision to go to Congress followed a vote in the British parliament last week which rejected Prime Minister David Cameron’s request for authorising the use of force against Syria.
ASF official shot dead By Saleem Shahid QUETTA, Sept 1: An official of the Airport Security Force (ASF) was gunned down in Dalbandin area of Chaghai district on Sunday, police said.. They said that Bashir Bhatti, a head constable in the ASF posted on the Dalbandin airport, was going home on the airport premises from Dalbandin bazaar when gunmen fired on him. Mr Bhatti was seriously injured and died while being taken to hospital by the police. The body was handed over to the airport authorities. The attackers came on a motorcycle, police said. “The motive behind the killing has not been ascertained yet,” police said, adding that Mr Bhatti received several bullets in his head and chest. Further investigation was under way.
Govt unwilling to bail out PSM, but to pay workers’ salary By Khaleeq Kiani ISLAMABAD, Sept 1: The government appears to be in no mood to revive or privatise the Pakistan Steel Mills (PSM) as a going concern in the short-term but has decided to clear three months’ outstanding salary of its more than 16,000 employees. . A senior government official told Dawn on Sunday that in line with a decision of Finance Minister Ishaq Dar following a recent meeting with a delegation of the PSM Workers’ Union, the government would “ensure sustenance of workers” for the time being. The PSM employees, including officers, workers and daily wagers, have not been given salary for three months — June, July and August. The decision, however, did not cover a long-term employment bill of Rs26 billion — involving gratuity, provident fund, leave encashment, etc. A comparison of two summaries moved within two weeks indicates that there is a lack of seriousness about resolving the PSM crisis. The first summary taken up by the Economic Coordination Committee of the cabinet on Aug 22 sought to liquidate, shut down, privatise or turn around the company. The ministry of industries was of the opinion that PSM could be turned around with Rs28.5 billion to fetch better price for its privatisation or else it would “close by the end of September” and then Rs56.55bn would be needed to settle its liabilities. Despite having received a bailout package of Rs40.5bn in 2009, the company had suffered a cumulative loss of Rs86.3bn as of June 30 this year, while its liabilities piled up to Rs98.6bn, resulting in negative equity. It is currently running at 11 per cent of capacity and available working capital cannot support its operations beyond September. “The present state of the PSM is due to unchecked corruption, inefficiency, over-employment and government’s lukewarm attitude towards its revival,” the summary said. The situation continues as the company has suffered Rs7bn loss since the present government came into power. The ministry of industries said the current financial situation had turned a national asset into a national liability. Therefore, it said, it had offered immediate appointment of a liquidator to save future liabilities, but even liquidation would cost the government Rs39.85bn. “If we keep the mills barely alive by following the status quo, it will cost Rs57.25bn over the next 15 months,” the ministry warned. The third option was to privatise the PSM which would take 15-18 months but with the closure of operations during the interlude and a potential cost of Rs56.55bn. It was also pointed out that further borrowing was out of question as even the National Bank had refused to provide more funds. The official said an ECC meeting later this week would consider a summary to meet the government’s commitment and hold a discussion on the affairs of the country’s largest industrial unit. He said the government wanted to continue with the status quo till a full-time chief executive officer took charge of the company. In the meanwhile, the government would try to find out new sources of financing. “We cannot commit huge public money in an environment of uncertainty. Privatisation is also not an immediate option,” he said. This is also evident from a revised summary to be submitted to the ECC. It notes that a status quo has been agreed upon at the federal level after a consultation between the ministries of finance and industries. The government has now decided in principle to provide about Rs3.4bn to clear past three months’ running salary of PSM employees and take care of the next two months — October and November. Of the Rs1.98bn being paid to the PSM immediately, Rs1.3bn will consume the past salary and Rs694 million working capital deficit. This will be followed by another Rs694m for October and Rs649m for November. Analysts said the government’s half-hearted efforts were evident from the fact that it was now asking the company “to float tenders for procurement of raw material through suppliers’ credit or other sources of international financing backed by government guarantee, in a transparent manner, by way of fulfilling legal formalities duly authorised by its board of directors”. “When the National Bank is not ready to provide financing to the PSM despite government guarantees, it is not difficult to predict the outcome of looking at international sources,” said a former chief executive officer of the company. He said the PSM’s payable liabilities were now in excess of Rs40bn, including Rs15bn to be paid to the Sui Southern Gas Company Limited. In order to settle SSGCL’s outstanding claims, default surcharge and payment of dues, the petroleum ministry’s help would be sought. Also, the finance ministry will facilitate refinancing with the National Bank.
CM vows to act against extortion at checkposts By Our Staff Correspondent QUETTA, Sept 1: Balochistan Chief Minister Dr Abdul Malik Baloch has warned that he would not allow security checkposts to be used for collecting extortion money in the province.. Speaking at a meeting in Gwadar on Sunday where he was informed about difficulties faced by police in training on modern lines, he said there were reports that checkposts set up by police and other security forces in Makran and other areas of the province had been forcing people travelling by bus or private vehicles on national highways and other roads to pay money. “We will not allow personnel of police and other security forces to extort money at checkposts in any area,” he said. Checkposts, he added, would be there but only to provide security to people. Dr Malik said he had ordered the authorities concerned to abolish all unnecessary checkposts on highways and roads. He said his government would introduce reforms to improve the strength and effectiveness of police force and use all resources for their advanced training. The chief minister said equipment, including modern weapons, armoured personnel carriers and vehicles, would be given to Makran police. He said complexes for police training would be set up in Turbat, Gwadar and Panjgur districts. Bomb disposal squads would also be set up there. Dr Malik said that reforms would also be introduced to change ‘police culture’ and end corruption. “We want to make police a modern force which can cope with any situation,” he said. The chief minister said efforts would be made to regularise border trade with Iran. Mozzum Jah, Deputy Inspector General of Police, Makran Range, briefed the meeting on the law and order situation and requirement of police force in Makran division.
India to provide recordings of Quaid’s speeches ISLAMABAD, Sept 1: India has agreed to hand over to Pakistan recordings of two important speeches of Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. . The Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation (PBC) had sought the recordings of the famous speech delivered by the founder of Pakistan to the Constituent Assembly in Karachi on Aug 11, 1947. In an interview, the director-general of All India Radio, Leeladhar Mandloi said the ministry of information and broadcasting had given the go-ahead to provide the recordings to Pakistan. —APP
Nawaz, party decide to take the plunge By Baqir Sajjad Syed and Khawar Ghumman ISLAMABAD, Sept 2: Amid persisting violence in Karachi, the federal government is set to take a hands-on approach in the planned action against criminal gangs and armed militias of political groups, whose deadly turf war has ruined peace in the country’s economic hub.. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif consulted on Monday his national security aides over the planned targeted operation in Karachi and vowed to refocus national resources on threats to security. The consultations took place ahead of a special meeting of the federal cabinet in Karachi on Wednesday to finalise plans for a crackdown on criminal elements. A media statement issued by the Prime Minister’s Office on Mr Sharif’s meeting with the national security principals did not say that the conference was especially about impending operation in Karachi. It rather said that “overall security situation of the country” was reviewed. However, multiple sources said much of the focus of the meeting was on the situation in Karachi and the intended crackdown. Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan, army chief Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, ISI director general Lt Gen Zaheerul Islam and the Special Assistant to the Prime Minister on Foreign Affairs, Tariq Fatemi, attended the meeting. Prime Minister Sharif is said to have stressed, during his meeting with security advisers, on ‘national consensus’ for dealing with challenges.“All political forces must rise to the occasion so that national consensus is evolved to address the problems faced by the country,” he was quoted as having said. The government has convened the special meeting of the cabinet for discussing law and order situation in Karachi and “forging a consensus” on the impending action. Governor Ishratul Ibad, Chief Minister Qaim Ali Shah and MQM Parliamentary Leader in the National Assembly Farooq Sattar have been invited to the meeting, which would also be attended by heads of security agencies, including the director general of Rangers and the inspector general of Sindh police. But while “consensus” has been the buzzword, the PML-N government appears to have decided to play a more active role in the operation instead of allowing the provincial government to take centre stage. A PML-N leader said there was now consensus in the party that the federal government should play its part. “Initially, most of the party leaders argued against getting involved in the affairs of Karachi and for allowing the PPP and MQM to deal with the mess. But in view of the continued bickering between the two former allies in the Sindh government, the federal government was left with no choice but to play its due role,” he added.Meanwhile, Leader of Opposition in the National Assembly Syed Khurshid Shah has cautioned the government against politicising the matter. Giving a political touch to the whole affair by inviting the MQM and others to the cabinet meeting, he said, might not help in achieving the desired results. “I personally believe that the situation in Karachi demands administrative measures, which the federal government in cooperation with the Sindh government can and should take,” he added. But analysts believe that an operation in Karachi would prove a tightrope walk for the federal government given the acrimony between the PPP and MQM. The government has rejected the MQM’s demand for an army-led operation and, instead said that the provincial government would play the lead role. Although tactical details of the operation will be worked out later, the plan is to execute the clean-up through Rangers and police, whereas overall monitoring and intelligence support would be provided by the army, ISI and other intelligence agencies. A retired police officer, who was part of the operation during the PPP government in 1995, told Dawn that precise intelligence was essential for a successful action. He recalled that targeted killings virtually came to an end between June 1995 and January 1996 because of effective intelligence-sharing between the military and civilian agencies.
PM arrives in city today By Our Staff Reporter KARACHI: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif is due to arrive in Karachi on Tuesday, a day before he is scheduled to preside over a federal cabinet meeting on the city’s deteriorating law and order situation.. “The prime minister will land here in the afternoon,” said an official. “Later, he is likely to attend a Pakistan Navy function before a few meetings with some political leaders and senior officials in the evening. The federal cabinet is scheduled to meet on Wednesday.”
Taliban attack US base, destroy 41 vehicles JALALABAD, Sept 2: Taliban suicide bombers and gunmen dressed as Afghan police attacked a US base on Monday and set dozens of parked supply vehicles ablaze, officials said.. All three attackers were shot dead by US helicopter gunships during the assault on the base in Nangarhar province, but no member of the US-led Nato forces was killed. “Our investigation shows some 41 vehicles — supply trucks and vehicles belonging to US forces — were destroyed in the attack,” Nangarhar provincial spokesman Ahmad Zia Abdulzai said after the attack near the Torkham border crossing. “Magnetic bombs were attached to some vehicles and detonated,” he told a press conference. “Three armed insurgents were killed by US helicopter gunships. Weapons, suicide vests and hand grenades were found afterwards.” A senior Afghan border police official also told AFP that 30 to 50 vehicles had been burnt. Torkham is next to Pakistan’s Khyber Pass and straddles a key Nato overland supply route into landlocked Afghanistan from the nearest sea port of Karachi. “There were a series of explosions that occurred in the vicinity of a forward operating base in Nangarhar province,” said a spokesman for Nato’s International Security Assistance Force (Isaf). The military later described it as an “attempted but unsuccessful coordinated attack by enemy forces”. “There were three enemy forces killed during the attack. We can confirm that no Isaf personnel were killed as a result of this incident,” it said in a statement.
SC decries delay in 3G licence auction By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD, Sept 2: The Supreme Court has ordered the government to complete the process of appointing the chairman and three members of the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) in 10 days after processing the 165 applications received for the posts. . The telecommunication sector is running virtually without a regulator as the post of its chairman has been vacant since February. The important posts of the authority’s three members have also not been filled and as a result the government’s priority agenda of introducing the third-generation, 3G, cellular phone networks has run into snags. “This is a question of public right to get the facility of 3G spectrum -- a process that has already been delayed considerably and the country is losing billions since there is no-one to control the grey traffic,” Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry said while heading a three-judge bench on Monday. The court had taken up a petition of Khurram Shehzad Chughtai, an IT expert, who highlighted the issue and said the government should be directed to complete the process of auctioning 3G spectrum licences within not more than 60 days in a transparent manner and ensure early availability of the services. Finance Minister Ishaq Dar had said while presenting the federal budget for this year in the National Assembly on June 12 that the government was expecting to receive Rs120 billion from the proposed sale of 3G licences. The technology operates at a higher frequency and larger channel bandwidth and supports data transfer at up to two megabytes per second. The court asked a representative of the PTA to submit the schedule for the auction of the licences on Sept 16 after making the appointments. Deputy Attorney General Irfanul Haq submitted a statement on behalf of the cabinet secretary, saying that although a committee had been formed by the prime minister the appointment process initiated in accordance with an order issued on April 24 by the Islamabad High Court (IHC) was cancelled along with advertisements published on June 14 because a similar petition by a telecom licence holder had been pending before the Lahore High Court (LHC). The court noted that the license auction had been delayed because of the filing of the petitions in two high courts with almost the same prayer. The court said it had been held in a case in 1997 that only that high court would be entitled to receive petitions on a subject from whose territorial jurisdiction notifications or government orders had been issued. The chief justice said only the IHC should have decided the matter where the appointment of the PTA chairman had been challenged. Advocate Ali Raza, representing the petitioner, informed the court that the government had also removed Information Technology Secretary Kamran Ali Qureshi.
Elevation of Justices Alam and Baqar recommended By Nasir Iqbal ISLAMABAD, Sept 2: The Judicial Commission recommended on Monday elevation of Sindh High Court Chief Justice Mushir Alam to the Supreme Court.. A meeting of the commission presided over by Chief Justice of Pakistan Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry also suggested the name of Justice Maqbool Baqar to replace Justice Alam as the chief justice of Sindh High Court. At present, Justice Baqar is under treatment for injuries he suffered in a terrorist attack in Karachi on June 26. The commission confirmed the appointment of Abdus Sami Khan, Shujjat Ali Khan, Ayesha A. Malik, Ali Baqar Najfi, Shahid Waheed and Ibadur Rehman Lodhi as additional judges of the Lahore High Court.
Musharraf booked for Lal Masjid murders By Malik Asad & Munawer Azeem ISLAMABAD, Sept 2: Islamabad police registered on Monday an FIR against former president retired Gen Pervez Musharraf for allegedly killing Lal Masjid cleric Abdul Rashid Ghazi and his mother after the Islamabad High Court expressed annoyance over non-compliance of its order and warned police officials of consequences. . Since police have not inserted any clause of the anti-terrorism act in the FIR, the case will be heard by the Islamabad sessions court. The former military ruler is already facing three cases in anti-terrorism courts of Islamabad, Rawalpindi and Quetta -- relating to murders of former prime minister Benazir Bhutto and nationalist leader Nawab Akbar Bugti and detaining the judges of superior courts. Justice Noorul Haq N. Qureshi of the IHC resumed the hearing on a contempt petition filed by Haroon Rashid, son of Abdul Rashid Ghazi, saying Islamabad police had not yet registered an FIR against Gen Musharraf in the case despite the court order. The court had on July 12 directed police to proceed with the matter after recording the statement of petitioner Haroon and register an FIR if there was any cognizable offence. The Aabpara police said in its report that there was no cognizable offence and, therefore, the FIR could not be registered. This prompted Justice Qureshi to remind SHO Ghulam Qasim Khan that police were duty bound to register an FIR even if a matter appeared to be fake. “Your job is to register the FIR, conduct investigation, collect evidence and produce all record before the court,” he said, adding: “It is the discretion of the court to declare a person innocent or guilty after examining police record and hearing relevant stakeholders.” He directed the SHO to register the FIR and present a copy before the rising of the court. SHO Ghulam Qasim complied with the order and registered the FIR against Gen Musharraf in the office of deputy attorney general on the court premises. He informed the court that since this was the first high-profile case in his entire service, he was seeking guidance from the law ministry as well as legal branch before registering the FIR. The FIR No 324/13 was registered against Gen Musharraf under sections 302 and 109 of the Pakistan Penal Code relating to murder and abetment. It stated that Gen Musharraf had ordered a military operation in Lal Masjid in which Abdul Rashid Ghazi and his mother were killed along with scores of others. In his complaint, Haroon Rashid said about 350 witnesses had recorded their statements before a judicial commission on the Lal Msjid operation and held Gen Musharraf responsible for the action. On July 7, 2007, he said, then president Musharraf had threatened Ghazi Rashid and others with dire consequences and asked them to surrender. He added that the operation had been planned to kill his father but several other innocent people were also killed. Mr Haroon said in the petition that after the court’s July 12 order, he had gone to the Aabpara police station and recorded his statement, but police refused to register the FIR. The petitioner requested to the court to initiate contempt proceedings against Islamabad police officers for not complying with its order. The All Pakistan Muslim League, the party of Gen Musharraf, termed the registration of FIR ‘unjustified’ and a sign of victory for extremist elements. “The registration of FIR against former president Musharraf for the death of ‘extremist cleric’ Abdul Rashid Ghazi in the military-led operation is unjustified and devoid of any form of legal merit,” Chaudhry Sarfraz Anjum Kahlon, political adviser to Mr Musharraf, said in a statement. He said this would be seen as victory for the extremists who wanted to damage the ability of the government to defend the writ of the state. “It is also a sign of disrespect to the 10 martyred SSG commandos and Rangers personnel who were also killed by the cleric’s militants.” The statement said Ghazi Rashid, his son Haroon Rasheed and Lal Masjid Khateeb Maulana Abdul Aziz were responsible for the murder of 10 SSG commandos and requested the judiciary to take action against them for the death of the military men. “There is no evidence against the former president in the case, rather the move was purely politically motivated,” it said. Contrary to the findings and recommendations of the Lal Masjid commission which had held Gen Musharraf, members of his cabinet and political allies responsible for the operation, the petitioner confined his case only to the extent of the former military ruler. Petitioner’s counsel Tariq Asad told Dawn that Gen Musharraf’s accomplices would be included in the case after an initial investigation. He alleged that the Aabpara police had delayed the registration of FIR for 50 days and kept demanding that the case be transferred to an investigation agency. Mohammad Shakeel Abbasi, standing counsel for the federal government, expressed the hope that police would conduct a fair investigation and submit the entire record to the court. He said police would arrest the former president in the case, but since he is already in the judicial custody, investigators could only record his statement at his farmhouse which had been declared a sub-jail. Senior advocate Senator Syed Zafar Ali Shah said police could include Musharraf and his political allies in the murder case of Ghazi Rashid. He said the judicial commission constituted by the Supreme Court had already submitted its report in which it had not only fixed the responsibility but also made certain recommendations.
Ward delimitation in cantonments begins By Kalbe Ali ISLAMABAD, Sept 2: In the first step towards introducing democracy in 43 cantonments across the country, the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) has started delimitation process of wards in these cantonments.. The ECP has written a letter to the director general of Military Lands and Cantonment Department, informing him that appellate authorities have been appointed in the 43 cantonments located in 23 districts. The appellate authorities are comprised of district and sessions judges who will be disposing of objections to and responding to suggestions regarding delimitation of wards. NA-25 by-poll: The ECP has fixed Sept 18 as the new date for by-election in NA-25 (Dera Ismail Khan-Tank) after receiving a report from the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government that security situation in the constituency had been improved. The provincial chief secretary informed the ECP on Aug 29 that law and order in the constituency was under control for holding the by-election. On Aug 19, the ECP suspended the by-election in N-25, which was scheduled for Aug 22, because of security concerns in the backdrop of Dera Ismail Khan jail-break. The NA-25 seat was vacated by Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam-Fazl chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman who had won from two other constituencies in the May 11 general election.
Expansion of cooperation urged among D-8 members ISLAMABAD, Sept 2: A two-day meeting of Developing-8 Commission, known as D-8, started here on Monday to review progress achieved in the intra-D8 cooperation in different areas.. Inaugurating the event, Prime Minister’s Adviser on National Security and Foreign Affairs Sartaj Aziz highlighted the importance of expanding cooperation among member countries. Pakistan in its capacity as the chair of D-8 Organisation for Economic Development is hosting the 33rd session of D-8 Commission. The D-8 commissioners from member countries — Bangladesh, Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia, Nigeria, Pakistan and Turkey — and D-8 Secretary-General Dr Seyed Ali Mohammad Mousavi are attending the meeting. Mr Aziz urged the organisation to initiate the phase of substantive cooperation by putting into operation agreements on removal of barriers in trade and business, particularly the Preferential Trade Agreement. He said economic revival was the top priority of the Pakistani government. He suggested that a mechanism of cooperation should be evolved in the energy sector, saying energy crisis was becoming a daunting challenge for many countries. Pakistan, he said, was in the process of organising the first meeting of D-8 Energy Forum in Islamabad. The adviser said that member countries could take initiatives for cooperation in capacity building, transfer of technology, transfer of capital and labour, energy and food security, Islamic banking, and the Halal sector development. Later, during a meeting with Secretary-General Mousavi, Mr Aziz proposed ways for fast-track implementation of trade and visa agreements.—Agencies
Efforts to get tapes of Quaid’s historic speeches bearing fruit By Syed Irfan Raza ISLAMABAD, Sept 2: Two audio tapes of important speeches of Qauid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, which have been in possession of the Indian authorities and inaccessible to the government of Pakistan for 66 years, are now in public domain. . The tapes were provided to some quarters under India’s Right of Information Act. Former director general of the Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation (PBC) Murtaza Solangi managed to get the tapes and shared them with Dawn. The APP news agency said on Sunday that the Indian government had agreed to provide the tapes to Pakistan. The founder of Pakistan had delivered the speeches on June 3 and August 14, 1947. These were recorded by All India Radio in Delhi because there was no recording facility in Karachi, Lahore or Peshawar stations at that time. The tapes were in the custody of the Indian authorities and despite several efforts the Pakistan government could not get the original version of the tapes, expect some excerpts. During his tenure, Mr Solangi contacted All India Radio and used both political and diplomatic channels to get the tapes. Talking to Dawn, he said there was no radio station in Karachi till 1948 and the stations in Peshawar and Lahore were class-B stations with no recording facilities. As a result all programmes went broadcast live. When the Quaid addressed the first constituent assembly of Pakistan on Aug 11, 1947, there was no radio station in Karachi and Lahore and Peshawar could not record it. A team from Delhi came to record it. He said he had contacted the BBC but the two tapes were also not its archives. Mr Solangi said he had gone to India to attend an international conference and discussed the matter with former Pakistani high commissioner Shahid Malik and requested the director general of All India Radio to hand over the tapes. He said he had also taken up the matter with Speaker of Lok Sabha Meira Kumar who had visited Pakistan at the invitation of former National Assembly speaker Dr Fahmida Mirza in February last year. In his June 3, 1947 speech, the Quaid-i-Azam had mentioned the plan for a new Muslim state, Pakistan. He urged Muslims in the then frontier province to be ready for a referendum to decide if they wanted to be a part of Pakistan. “The statement of His Majesty’s government embodying the plan for the transfer of power to the people of India has already been broadcast and will be released to the press to be published in India and abroad tomorrow morning. It gives the outlines of the plan for us to give it our most earnest consideration,” according to the transcript of the speech. The Quaid said: “It is for us now to consider whether the plan as presented to us by His Majesty’s government should be accepted by us as a compromise or a settlement. “I must say that I feel that the Viceroy has battled against various forces very bravely and the impression that he has left on my mind is that he was actuated by a high sense of fairness and impartiality, and it is up to us now to make his task less difficult and help him as far as it lies in our power in order that he may fulfil his mission of transfer of power to the people of India in a peaceful and orderly manner.” In his Aug 14, 1947 speech, the Qauid once again thanked the British emperor for helping Muslims to found their independent state. He also appreciated the spirit of government servants and armed forces personnel and highlighted tolerance shown by Muslims not in the time of King Akbar but by Holy Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). The Quaid said: “Your Excellency, I thank His Majesty the King on behalf of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly and myself for his gracious message. I know great responsibilities lie ahead, and I naturally reciprocate his sentiments and we are grateful for his assurance of sympathy and support, and I hope that you will communicate to His Majesty our assurance of goodwill and friendship for the British nation and himself as the Crown head of the British. “I wish to emphasise that we appreciate the spirit in which those in the government service at present and in the armed forces and others have so willingly and ungrudgingly volunteered themselves provisionally to serve Pakistan. As servants of Pakistan we shall make them happy and they will be treated equally with our nationals. “The tolerance and goodwill that great emperor Akbar showed to all the non-Muslims are not of recent origin. It dates back thirteen centuries ago when our Prophet (PBUH) not only by words but by deeds treated the Jews and Christians, after he had conquered them, with the utmost tolerance and regard and respect for their faith and beliefs. The whole history of Muslims, wherever they ruled, is replete with those humane and great principles which should be followed and practiced.”
‘Missing man may have left home on his own’ By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD, Sept 2: The Supreme Court was informed on Monday that Zaheer Muzzaffar Kiani, a man missing since Feb 26, 2011, from Rawalpindi does not meet the criteria of enforced disappearance as the investigation suggested that he might have left his home on his own. . Additional Attorney General Tariq Khokhar told a three-judge Supreme Court bench, headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chauhdhry, that investigation done so far into the case revealed that Muzzaffar neither took any formal religious education nor had any Jihadi leanings. His association with any Jihadi outfit has also not been established, the court was informed. The Supreme Court had taken up the case of Zaheer Muzzaffar on an application filed by his father Muzzaffar Khan, who had alleged that his 18-year-old son Zaheer Muzzaffar had disappeared from Rawalpindi where he was working as a servant at the Askari Villas in Chaklala Scheme III. His father, who originally belongs to Chaghar Abbas, a village in Azad Kashmir’s Poonch district and near the Line of Control, had alleged that he had received a phone call from his son on Feb 26, 2011, at 9am and since then whereabouts of his son were not known. The owner of the home where Zaheer had worked also endorsed that his servant had been missing since that date. The father of the missing man lodged an FIR at Rawalpindi’s Airport police station after two months on April 27, 2011. During previous proceedings, the father of the disappeared man had informed the court that he received three phone calls on Dec 7,8 and 12 in 2011 and the caller asked him about whereabouts of his son. The AAG told the court that when the data analysis of the father’s telephone record was done, it was revealed that the call was made from the office of the Assistant Director (AG) of Intelligence Bureau (IB) near the Rawalpindi railway station, which the IB official admitted that the calls were made after the Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances (CIED) ordered a joint investigation team (JIT) on Nov 26, 2011, to help investigate the matter. The JIT then asked the IB to look into the missing people’s case and in response to that, three telephone calls had been made to the father of the disappeared man from the IB assistant director’s office. The AAG further informed the court that mobile phone data of Zaheer Muzzaffar had established that the individual used his mobile phones only to contact his relatives. Investigations into the matter, the AAG explained, could not establish the role of intelligence agencies in the disappearance of Zaheer Muzzaffar. During meetings of the JIT, both Inter Services Intelligence and the Military Intelligence had also denied their involvement in having any knowledge about the case. Probably, Zaheer Muzzaffar might have crossed the border on his own, the court was told. The court asked the AAG to continue efforts to recover the missing person.
Shelling near Kotli By Our Staff Correspondent MUZAFFARABAD, Sept 2: Indian and Pakistani troops traded fire in some areas of Nakial sector in the Kotli district of Azad Jammu and Kashmir on Monday. However, no casualties were reported.. Official sources and local people told Dawn that shelling took place in Lanjot, Balakot and Dheri Dabsi villages, but it remained largely from “post to post.” Confirming the shelling, Kotli Deputy Commissioner Masoodur Rehman said three state-run educational institutions in these villages had been closed for three days. Shaukat Awan, a local resident, said Indian planes hovered over some areas early on Monday. “Shelling began after 10am and it restricted people to their homes and students to their respective institutions,” he said.
Scepticism follows premier’s assurance By Imran Ayub KARACHI, Sept 3: When Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif assured all segments of society on Tuesday that peace would be brought back to Karachi, many were not ready to buy his words as history has made them sceptical. Despite seriousness showed by the federal government, the people in Karachi wonder what lies ahead for them, with threats ranging from militancy to target killings and street crimes to kidnapping for ransom tormenting them they face daily. . Experts concur that all the stakeholders responsible for making Karachi a peaceful city have systematically sowed violence in the metropolis over the years. Take political parties for instance. It is no secret that all of them have militant wings. The Muttahida Qaumi Movement, which claims to enjoy the electoral mandate of the city, has a blood-drenched history and a known violent track record. The PPP has links with the outlawed Peoples Amn Committee (PAC), accused of running an extortion racket across the city. Take law enforcement agencies. The police are corrupt and politicised. But paramilitary Rangers are fast learning the ropes from police. Political observers wonder under what policy Rangers have evicted gangsters belonging to the Awami National Party, particularly after the May 11 elections, in a few city localities like Gulistan-i-Jauhar and replaced them with those of the PAC. Political observers, rights activists and security experts agree on one point: time is running out. With over 1,890 people having already been killed in targeted attacks in the first eight months of the year across Karachi, they suggest an even-handed action against every individual and group involved in crimes. Apart from politically motivated killings, deadly attacks carried out for sectarian reasons have seen a surge, with banned outfits such as Lashkar-i-Jhangvi and Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan, as well as Shia groups, undertaking tit-for-tat killings. So there can be no two opinions about the need for ending the spiral of violence in Karachi. “This time it (the government) looks quite serious,” said Zohra Yusuf of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan. “But it’s a little difficult to express hope at this point of time about the outcome of any government action. We monitored such situation in the past and definitely continue it when the government comes up with a plan about Karachi.” She came up with a spontaneous response when asked about the reasons behind Karachi’s situation, accusing three major parties -- MQM, PPP and ANP -- of leading the city to anarchy. Ms Yusuf said she had no doubt about the dismal performance of police and Rangers as corruption had badly affected the performance of the former while the latter never considered themselves accountable for any wrongdoing. Dr Jafar Ahmad, of the Pakistan Study Centre at the University of Karachi, in his ‘objective analysis’ found the political parties both victims as well as responsible for the current state of Karachi. But he was not fully satisfied with the federal government’s fresh initiative. “I don’t see it very much effective or I am not very much hopeful of a positive outcome,” he said, adding: “Karachi has become a national issue but you hardly find the first line of leadership of the parties discussing that crisis. The way it’s being handled doesn’t give the impression of a national issue and, secondly, political parties are responsible for this state but they never own it. They will definitely make a hue and cry if any action is taken against them.” Dr Jafar also criticised the media for the way it had ‘exaggerated’ the government-proposed plans which were not on ground yet. Referring to last month’s Islamabad episode in which an armed man brought the capital to a hostage like situation, he said the media was playing the same ‘running commentary’ game on the government’s initiative that in a big way helped the criminals and mafias in the first place. The chaotic situation in Karachi is not unfamiliar to former Sindh IG Jehangir Mirza. He does not see any major shortcoming of the city police that could prevent them from doing their job. “It’s doable right now, but it can become undoable after two or three more years,” he said, adding: “Depoliticising police should be the first step towards a solution. In Karachi, where political parties are known for having a role in violence and armed wings, no one in the security administration realises that over the years militant outfits have developed a nexus with criminal gangs. This has now become a key challenge for the government.” Mr Mirza said it was unfortunate that Rangers did not assist the Karachi police the way they were required to do as a paramilitary force. They had their own chain of command which affected operational strategies and ultimately diverted focus away from the target, he added.
PM promises ‘extraordinary measures’ for Karachi By Hasan Mansoor KARACHI, Sept 3: Describing the security situation in Karachi as ‘extraordinary’ and warranting ‘extraordinary measures’, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif said on Tuesday his government was committed to taking such measures to bring normality back to the country’s economic hub. . “We are committed to doing everything possible to save this beautiful city, which is the economic hub of our country. We believe that it is an extraordinary situation that warrants extraordinary measures, which we are going to take for sure,” the prime minister said while addressing a group of the city’s businessmen and traders at the Governor’s House. The meeting was the last of a series of sittings PM Sharif presided over; most prominent of them was a last-minute ‘all-parties conference’ that created quite a stir among the political parties. Mr Sharif made it clear that he was not here to encroach upon the mandate of the PPP and MQM in Sindh, but he ‘sincerely extended his hand’ to improve matters in Karachi. “We are facing multi-faceted challenges which require all of us to keep our political interests aside and help each other to exterminate terrorism,” he said. He said he had talked to the provincial government, governor and various political parties and all of them wanted effective action for peace in the city. “We should not see who is affiliated to which party; we all have to take indiscriminate action against criminals for which we can change our laws if needed.” He recalled the removal of the Liaquat Jatoi government during his last tenure 15 years ago when it failed to effectively maintain law and order and stressed that he would not compromise on the same problem ‘this time either’. However, he said in the same breath that the Sindh chief minister was ‘supportive’ and “told me that his government would grant every power demanded by the Rangers”. “We have talked to the MQM and many other parties and they are all concerned about the situation and want concerted efforts to make Karachi livelier.” However, the federal government’s mission Karachi gave an impression that the ruling party’s homework was poor, which eventually caused serious hiccups for the entire initiative, particularly on the front of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement, the city’s dominant party. The abrupt revocation of an invitation from the government to the MQM’s parliamentary leader in the National Assembly, Dr Farooq Sattar, to attend Wednesday’s cabinet meeting in Karachi led the party to heap opprobrium on the government. Later a consolatory offer to Dr Sattar to hold a ‘one-to-one’ meeting with the prime minister was repudiated as well. Sources in the PML-N said the invitation to an MQM nominee to attend the cabinet meeting was forcefully resisted by the party’s provincial leaders. Besides, certain parties like the Awami National Party and the PML-Functional also had expressed their dismay over what they called the ‘selective approach’ of Sharif government. The PPP, which rules Sindh, had initially requested the federal government to allow provincial Information Minister Sharjeel Memon to attend the cabinet meeting, which, sources said, the PPP leadership decided not to press after Dr Sattar’s invitation had been rescinded. Both the main parties of Sindh now have one representative each to attend the cabinet meeting — Chief Minister Syed Qaim Ali Shah and Governor Dr Ishratul Ibad. Prime Minister Sharif launched his mission in the afternoon with meetings with the governor and the chief minister, followed by the APC which had been planned on Monday evening. Initially, over a dozen key parties, except for the PML-F and the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf, agreed to attend it. Leaders of the PML-F said the ‘casual’ invitation given on phone to them was ‘unacceptable’. However, after a request by the PML-N’s top leaders to Pir Pagaro, he sent Imtiaz Shaikh to attend it. The PTI opaquely chose to keep quiet and abstained. During the meeting, no party except the MQM came up with a call for the army’s help to improve the city’s security situation. The MQM, which attended the meeting ‘under protest’ criticising the government move to keep it out of the planned cabinet meeting, reiterated its demand for army’s participation in the city’s security affairs. “We stuck to our position in the meeting with the prime minister to call the army to save Karachi because police and Rangers have failed,” MQM’s Senator Babar Ghauri said. “Taliban are present in certain parts of Karachi and they can only be eliminated by the army,” he said. He said a monitoring team should be formed to ensure that action was taken only against criminals or militants. Karachi PPP chief Abdul Qadir Patel said his party had demanded strengthening of the police and boosting their morale because their effectiveness had been proved in the past and they could do the same again. “Police force is demoralised at present because all the policemen who had taken part in the past operations have been assassinated. The force needs a morale booster to get motivated for future operations.” PML-N’s Irfanullah Marwat claimed none of the parties had demanded army’s deployment. “None of the parties demanded to call in the army, thus this demand has formally died down,” he told Dawn. ANP’s Shahi Syed said the government should consider measures which would ensure better results than those the intended targeted operations could bring about. The last activity Mr Sharif was engaged late in the evening was a briefing on the law and order situation by the chief secretary, inspector general of police and other officials of security and intelligence agencies. According to the sources, figures about increasing killings in Karachi, the incapability of the police to bring the culprits to book or ensure effective prosecution against them and inadequately-equipped police with insufficient resources and manpower were among the deficiencies the PM was informed about.
Commanders meet today By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD, Sept 3: Top army generals have a full plate when they convene for the corps commanders’ conference on Wednesday at the General Headquarters.. The meeting is taking place amidst extraordinary developments both in the country and outside that affect national security. The corps commanders’ conference coincides with a special session of the cabinet in Karachi on the law and order situation. The government appears to be ready for an operation in the port city which will be executed through civilian law enforcement agencies. The army has been asked to monitor the crackdown and provide intelligence support to law enforcement agencies through its intelligence outfits. The other crucial issue before the military top brass will be that of the government’s planned dialogue with religious militants. Army chief Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani had in his independence anniversary speech at the PMA Kakul called for a national consensus against terrorism and warned against surrendering before militants. The government had since Aug 22 meeting of the Defence Committee of the Cabinet more staunchly advocated talks with militants who are blamed for about 50,000 deaths in the country over the past decade. The government has reportedly opened an informal channel with militants to coax them into talking. Interior Minister Nisar Ali Khan says that formal dialogue would commence only after getting a nod from other political parties. The weekend attack which killed nine troops in Boya (North Waziristan) has put militants’ sincerity towards dialogue under question. A cabinet committee on national security, with representation from all services, has been constituted as the apex body on security matters. Its first task is to prepare a national security policy from which foreign, defence, security and related policies would flow. Calm has returned to the Line of Control after a fortnight of Indian shelling in which three Pakistani soldiers and two civilians lost their lives, but generals will ponder over wider implications of attacks for bilateral ties. The army chief visited troops deployed on the LoC on Tuesday. This was his first visit to the troops at forward positions on the LoC since skirmishes erupted last month. A military spokesman said Gen Kayani showed complete satisfaction on the state of morale, operational preparedness and vigil being maintained by troops on the front line.
US distrust of Pakistan reaches new levels WASHINGTON, Sept 3: While US intelligence agencies spend billions of dollars on monitoring enemies like Al Qaeda and Iran, they pay just as much attention to ally Pakistan, The Washington Post reported on Tuesday. The United States has intensified surveillance of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons, is concerned about biological and chemical arms sites there and tries to evaluate the loyalty of Pakistani counter-terrorism agents recruited by the CIA, the Post said. . It quoted a 178-page summary of what it called the US intelligence community’s “black budget” and said the documents were provided by fugitive intelligence leaker Edward Snowden. The paper said the documents revealed broad new levels of mistrust in an already fragile security partnership. Pakistan’s foreign ministry reacted by saying it was fully committed to “objectives of disarmament and non-proliferation” and followed International Atomic Energy Agency standards. “As a nuclear weapons state, Pakistan’s policy is characterised by restraint and responsibility,” it said in a statement, adding: “Pakistan has established extensive physical protection measures, robust command and control institutions... comprehensive and effective export controls regulatory regimes to ensure safety and security of nuclear installations and materials.” The Foreign Office spokesman said Pakistan’s nuclear deterrence capability was aimed at maintaining regional stability in South Asia. The Washington Post said US efforts to gather intelligence on Pakistan were more extensive than previously disclosed by US officials. America has delivered nearly $26 billion in aid to Pakistan over the past 12 years, with the money aimed at stabilising the country and ensuring its cooperation in counter-terrorism efforts, according to the paper. But now that Osama bin Laden is dead and Al Qaeda is weaker, US spy agencies appear to be shifting their attention to dangers that have surfaced outside Pakistani areas patrolled by CIA drones.—Agencies
Indian envoy raises LoC incident during ‘courtesy call’ By Baqir Sajjad Syed ISLAMABAD, Sept 3: In what some foreign policy analysts described as discourteous, the new Indian High Commissioner during a “courtesy call” on Foreign Policy and National Security Adviser Sartaj Aziz turned to the sore spot in bilateral relations and curtly told him that the Line of Control incident cast doubt on Pakistan’s sincerity in normalising ties.. “Incidents such as the recent one on the LoC raised doubts on Pakistan’s sincerity,” Dr T.C.A. Raghavan was quoted as saying by a Foreign Office statement during the meeting with Mr Aziz, his (Raghavan’s) first since his posting in Islamabad. The Indian envoy was referring to the August 6 ambush on an Indian patrol in which five soldiers were killed. The Indian government blamed Pakistan for the attack, but Pakistani military denied any involvement. Since Aug 6, India has been shelling Pakistani posts on the LoC and nearby civilian population, killing three troops and two civilians. High Commissioner Raghavan said the LoC incident was a “setback” in the dialogue process. It was unusual for the Foreign Office to reflect such views in the official statement that contradicted its policy standing. The FO statement also did not make any reference to the military’s rejection of the Indian allegations. India put off the resumption of this year’s episode of the annual peace dialogue that has been on an unannounced halt since the incidents on the LoC in January. The expected meeting between Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and his Indian counterpart Dr Manmohan Singh in New York is also now in limbo. Dr Raghavan’s visit to the Foreign Office had prompted talk of both sides progressing towards the New York meeting. Afterwards, both sides, however, described the FO meeting as a “courtesy call”. Making case for a possible prime-ministerial meeting in New York, Mr Aziz called for getting past the LoC row. “Both sides have to show maturity and move forward in a positive manner to resolve outstanding issues and put in place a sustainable dialogue process,” the adviser counselled. He rued the tension on LoC as unfortunate and noted that it derailed the peace process. On the expectations of a Sharif-Singh meeting, the Foreign Office has at least twice said in as many weeks that “should an opportunity arise we (Pakistan government) believe that such a contact between the leadership of the two countries will be a useful occasion to discuss the steps required to improve relations”. But High Commissioner Raghavan said the next pointer would be the visit of a Pakistani judicial commission to India from Sept 7 for cross-examining witnesses in the Mumbai attack case. The visit would be helpful towards this end, he maintained and called for forging a common counter-terrorism policy so that misperceptions could be allayed.
Major change in water distribution mechanism likely By Khaleeq Kiani ISLAMABAD, Sept 3: In a major shift in the water distribution mechanism being followed since early 1990s, the Indus River System Authority (Irsa) is working on a new mechanism which is likely to restrict Punjab’s water share to the Jhelum zone and that of three other provinces to the Indus zone because of the upgradation of Mangla Dam as the country’s largest water reservoir.. A senior official told Dawn that Irsa, the country’s irrigation water regulator, had started consultations with all stakeholders, including four provinces, Wapda and dam managements, to change water distribution plan ahead of the Rabi season beginning on Oct 1. Irsa has asked relevant agencies to report if there could be any operational difficulties or technical constraints in changing the decades-old irrigation pattern that has been there since a landmark water apportionment accord was signed by the federation and the federating units in 1991. On Aug 23 this year, Mangla dam became the country’s largest reservoir overtaking Tarbela’s top position when its storage exceeded 6.5 million acre feet (MAF). On Tuesday, Mangla’s water level attained about 1,238 feet with storage of a little over 7MAF — only four feet below its maximum conservation level of 1,242 feet. The 30-foot raised Mangla dam will now have a maximum storage of 7.3MAF when filled to capacity — an addition of about 2.5MAF. But Wapda’s dam experts have warned the irrigation and government authorities against further conservation at Mangla in view of another impending rainy spell on Sept 5-7 and advised sparing some space for the upcoming inflows to avoid flood situation downstream. As a consequence, Wapda authorities have been authorised to let river waters flow down the dam instead of being conserved and remain vigilant if more discharges are required to keep space for more water at the dam as a result of the fresh rainy spell. It has, however, advised that it should be ensured that the remaining four-foot capacity at the dam is also filled during the current month. With Tarbela dam at its maximum conservation level of 1,550 feet with storage of 6.5MAF, the country’s cumulative storage increased to about 13.88MAF, including 7.1MAF of Mangla and the remaining at Chashma barrage against last year’s storage of 9.68MAF. It is against this background that Irsa is considering to change the water distribution plan for the coming Rabi season. Since Mangla’s storage has gone much higher than Tarbela’s, Punjab’s irrigation requirement would be met through Mangla dam and of the three other provinces through the Indus zone. Earlier, all provinces were provided supplies under a combined storage pool and link canals like Chashma-Jhelum Canal and Taunsa-Punjnad Link canals used to be utilised for diverting water from the Indus zone to the Jhelum zone. The change in the distribution plan will be made by closing down the two link canals during the Rabi season. Officials said the flows in Indus and Kabul rivers had started coming down and if a situation emerged necessitating drawdown from Tarbela dam, the first step over the next 10 days would be to close down the link canals by stopping 15,000 cusecs currently flowing through the CJ-Link canal. For the Rabi season, the water share of Punjab will be met strictly through Mangla dam and the requirement of three other provinces through the Indus zone. Irsa has directed provinces, Wapda and dam managements to give their opinion on the planned change and also report any technical constraints so that the process for Rabi water availability and distribution plan may be formulated at the earliest. When asked if there was any plan to release water from Tarbela to create space for storage of rainwater and avoid flood situation during the expected rainy spell later this week, the official said the matter was looked into by Wapda and Irsa authorities who were of the opinion that even though Tarbela was now full, there was no need to open up spillways for aggressive discharges because the Indus zone had the operational capacity to take care of additional flows from expected rains. He said the meetings of Irsa’s technical and advisory committees would be convened in the second and last weeks of September to finalise availability and distribution plans and formally change the irrigation pattern.
Pakistani, Chinese air forces hold joint drills this week By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD, Sept 3: The air forces of Pakistan and China will begin a three-week-long joint exercise codenamed Shaheen-II in Chinese province of Xinjiang this week. . This is the first time a foreign air force is holding drills in the Chinese airspace. A contingent of PAF personnel left for China on Tuesday to take part in the air exercise in Hetian, Xinjiang. “The PAF contingent for Shaheen-II comprises Mirage and F-7 PG aircraft, combat pilots and ground technical crew,” an air force spokesman said. The joint PAF and PLAAF (People’s Liberation Army Air Force) exercise would be held till September 22. The first in the series of Shaheen exercises between Pakistan and China were held in Pakistan in 2011. “The prime objective of the exercise is to excel in the air combat capability with focus on air power employment in any future conflict. “Shaheen-II will provide an opportunity to combat crew of both the air forces to acquaint themselves with applied tactics of air power in near real scenario,” air force spokesman said. Some see symbolism in China’s choice of Xinjiang for hosting the drill.
Ombudsman appears in SC to face challenge By Nasir Iqbal ISLAMABAD, Sept 3: The ailing Federal Ombudsman, Salman Farooqui, appeared before the Supreme Court on Tuesday to face a challenge against his appointment filed by Adviser to the Transparency International Pakistan Syed Adil Gilani. . Mr Farooqui was summoned by a three-judge bench headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry to respond to charges that he had been appointed as acting ombudsman by the caretaker government. He informed the court that he had been diagnosed with an aggressive cancer of the blood in which survival rate was not high. He said his wife was already suffering from cancer, but he came from abroad against doctor’s advice to fulfil his commitment to appearing before the court. His counsel Advocate Waseem Sajjad read out three reports by the law secretary, secretary to the prime minister and cabinet division secretary stating that Mr Farooqui had been appointed acting as well as Federal Ombudsman by the PPP government, and not by the caretaker government. He explained that since the acting ombudsman was a transitory post, therefore any individual could be appointed to the office. The court, however, ordered the auditor general to submit the record of salary of Mr Farooqui on Wednesday. NOTICES ISSUED: A Supreme Court bench issued on Tuesday notices to the respondents, including personal staff officer to the Peshawar High Court Chief Justice, on a petition filed by PTI’s Dr Imran Khattak challenging the use of a suo motu by the PHC against barring women from casting vote in the NA-5 (Nowshera) constituency during the Aug 22 by-elections. Advocate Athar Minallah, representing the petitioner, argued that the PHC had taken the suo motu on a complaint despite the fact that under articles 184(3) and 199 of the constitution, it had no jurisdiction to do so. The court adjourned the hearing till Sept 10.
Fund created for safe sanitation in Asia, Pacific countries By Amin Ahmed ISLAMABAD, Sept 3: The Asian Development Bank and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation have created a new ‘Sanitation Financing Trust Fund’ to expand and speed up access to safe sanitation in countries in Asia and Pacific region. . The partnership trust fund announced during the ongoing World Water Week will entail an investment of $15 million from Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation to leverage more than $28m in investments from the ADB by 2017 to improve sanitation practices across Asia. At present, around 1.7 billion people in Asia and the Pacific have no access to safe sanitation, and about 780m still practice open defecation, resulting in pollution and exposure to diarrhoeal diseases, the second leading cause of infant and child deaths worldwide. Sanitation problems are becoming increasingly acute in urban areas, with tens of millions moving into Asian cities every year. Many end up living in slums with little or no sanitation facilities. The region needs investment estimated at $71bn to deliver improved sanitation to all its citizens. The fund will be part of the ADB’s Water Financing Partnership Facility (WFPF), an instrument which pools finance and knowledge from development partners to support improvements in the sector.
Farewell for Zardari today By Syed Irfan Raza ISLAMABAB, Sept 3: The PPP has invited all opposition parties to a farewell reception the party is giving to President Asif Ali Zardari in the Parliament House on Wednesday.. A source close to the Leader of the Opposition in National Assembly, Khursheed Shah, said that leaders of Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI), PML-Q, Awami National Party (ANP), Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) and parliamentarians from Fata (Federally Administered Tribal Areas) had been invited to the reception. He said an invitation had also been sent to National Assembly Speaker Sardar Ayaz Sadiq, but it could not be known whether he would attend the function or not. The source said Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif had not been invited to the function. Besides opposition leaders, former prime ministers Yousuf Raza Gilani and Raja Pervez Ashraf and journalists covering the parliament have also been invited to the reception. Sources in the National Assembly said the reception was being hosted in the Speaker’s banquet hall in the Parliament House without getting a formal approval from the speaker. However, they added, the speaker did not object to the use of hall for the function. Talking to Dawn, Khursheed Shah said all parliamentarians belonging to opposition parties had been invited to the reception. It has been learnt that Mr Zardari would be the first president in the country’s history to whom a farewell reception is being given in the Parliament House. President Zardari will address participants of the function after a welcome address by the opposition leader. Mr Zardari will be first elected president of the country to complete his five-year term on Sept 8. He has the distinction of addressing the joint sitting of the parliament for six times.
Rangers given key powers for action By Habib Khan Ghori KARACHI, Sept 4: The federal cabinet empowered Rangers on Wednesday to lead a targeted operation immediately with the support of police against criminals already identified by federal military and civilian agencies in hundreds of lists for their alleged involvement in targeted killings, kidnappings for ransom, extortion and terrorism in Karachi.. This is one of a few important decisions taken at a special session of the federal cabinet after extensive consultation for two days by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif with all stakeholders, including Sindh Governor Dr Ishratul Ibad, Chief Minister Syed Qaim Ali Shah, leaders of different political parties, representatives of business community and media persons at the Governor’s House. After a briefing by directors general of ISI, IB, Rangers and IG Police to the prime minister on the law and order situation in Karachi, followed by the cabinet meeting, Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali told newsmen that some of the cabinet decisions were not being made public because of their sensitivity, but they would be reflected through their implementation. Explaining the decision to equip Rangers with the power of prosecution and investigation, the minister said Rangers had complained that people arrested for alleged involvement in crimes were freed after some time. He said the cabinet had approved guidelines for Rangers to carry out investigation and prosecution. A committee, headed by Federal Minister Zahid Hamid, had been set up to address weaknesses in relevant laws, including the law of evidence. The prosecutor general of Sindh and MQM Senator Farogh Naseem are among its members. The committee has already held two sessions. The interior minister said that another committee comprising the prosecutor general of Sindh and Senator Farogh Naseem was being set up to manage, initiate, administer and control the operation. The federal government will be represented on the committee by the officials of Nadra and Nara, while the Sindh government by the chief minister. The committee will meet at least once a week. The cabinet decided that police would undergo a complete overhaul. The inspector general of Sindh police has been authorised to “immediately” revamp the police department within ‘a set timeframe’ to identify and arrest those law enforcers who were serving the interests of terrorists and criminals.Chaudhry Nisar said an operational committee, comprising the director general of Rangers, Sindh IG and representatives of intelligence agencies, would take care of the targeted action in the city. He said another committee, to be headed by the Sindh chief minister, would manage, administer and control routine operations of law enforcement agencies. The committee will include officials of the interior ministry, Rangers, intelligence agencies, Nadra, Nara and the Sindh government. It will meet once a week. Yet another committee comprising senior citizens, journalists, etc., will monitor overall security operations. “Having no political affiliation, the members of this committee will give an impartial input to security agencies, media and federal and provincial governments,” the minister said. The committee will establish the status of arrested suspects because the government did not want to trouble innocent people, he added. “We are going through a unique experience here by getting united despite having different political affiliations. We are proceeding with commonality of interest,” the interior minister said while referring to the consensus developed among all stakeholders. He recalled that the prime minister had reiterated on Tuesday that “we are here only to find a way out of Karachi violence”. “The prime minister has made it clear that politicising the Karachi issue is a sin to him.” Chaudhry Nisar clarified that the centre had put the provincial government in the driver’s seat for improving law and order in Karachi because it had the mandate of people. “We respect the mandate of PPP, MQM and all other parties represented here.” If any of the stakeholders in Sindh was sidelined, there would be political infighting which would ultimately distract the government from its path, he said. He said most of the crimes were being committed because of unregistered Sims as cellular phone companies were not following the rules while selling them. Chaudhry Nisar said the IGP would identify a police station under whose jurisdiction heinous crimes were being committed before launching the action by Rangers. UNITED WE STAND: He said the action being initiated now would be a new experience because operations were launched in the past when one party ruled at the centre and another in the province. It would be a message that “we are united on national issues”. In reply to a question, the minister said Rangers had been deployed in Sindh since 1996 on the request of the provincial government. Not only Rangers but other federal agencies also would be working under the command of the Sindh chief minister. Answering another question, Chaudhry Nisar said the government wanted to evolve a system brick by brick instead of taking cosmetic measures to hoodwink the masses. Karachi was not only the capital of Sindh but also the most important city of Pakistan and all decisions were taken by the cabinet in light of the decisions of the Supreme Court, he observed. Chaudhry Nisar said the government might seek guidance from the apex court about cabinet decisions, including about militant wings of certain political parties, which were not being made public. Chief Minister Qaim Ali Shah thanked the prime minister and his cabinet for extending cooperation to the provincial government to improve the law and order situation in Karachi. The prime minister held meetings with different sections of people with the same spirit, he added. He said all parties which met the premier had agreed that there was no need for the army’s deployment in the city. “All of us agreed that let Rangers and police work effectively and deliver,” he added. Maintaining that the intervention by the federal government had not hurt provincial autonomy, the chief minister said all the measures decided by the federal cabinet were “result-oriented” and apolitical in nature. “All political parties, as well as the prime minister, have a one-point agenda – law and order.” Governor Ishratul Ibad asked the media to help law enforcement agencies in restoring law and order in the city because all measures were being taken without political considerations. He said the PPP, MQM, PML-N had their own priorities, but as far as Karachi was concerned all parties had a one-point agenda: restoration of peace and tranquility in the city and rest of the province.
Navy captain shot dead KARACHI: A Pakistan Navy captain was shot dead in a suspected case of targeted killing near Karsaz Bridge on Wednesday. His foreigner wife suffered injuries in the attack.. Captain Nadeem Ahmed, 40, was traveling with wife Tracy in a car when two gunmen on a motorcycle attacked them. Captain Ahmed died and his wife received bullet wounds. “The murder of Navy official is a [case of] targeted killing…[and] its motive appears to have enhanced the sense of instability in the metropolis,” said DIG East Tahir Naveed. He ruled out the possibility of a robbery attempt or personal enmity as the cause of the attack. “We believe that assailants thought the murder of a Navy official will make big news and trigger a hue and cry about instability in the city,” he added. DIG Naveed, a retired captain, said the couple was on way to Navy Engineering College on Karsaz Road from their residence when they came under fire. He said the Navy official and his wife held PhD degrees. They were married in London in 2008. DSP Shahra-i-Faisal Rustam Nawaz told Dawn that the incident occurred at 8:10am near National Stadium. The Navy official received a single bullet on the right side of his neck. His wife sustained bullet wounds in her right hand and was reported out of danger.—Staff Reporter
Talks with Taliban not to affect operations in tribal areas By Baqir Sajjad Syed ISLAMABAD, Sept 4: Army’s counter-militancy operations in restive tribal areas would remain unaffected by the talk of government’s impending dialogue with the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan and its affiliated militant groups. . The military top brass met at the General Headquarters on Wednesday and discussed, among other issues, the government’s planned dialogue with militants, upcoming crackdown on criminal elements in Karachi, situation on the Line of Control and recent media disclosure that the US had intensified spying on the country’s nuclear programme. The meeting chaired by Army Chief Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani “undertook a comprehensive review of prevalent internal and external security situation of the country”, a military spokesman said, but gave no details about what decisions had been taken at the forum called the ‘corps commanders meeting’. However, a source said the counter-militancy operations would continue. Information Minister Pervaiz Rashid recently claimed that the government was in secret contact with militants for starting the dialogue. Interior Minister Nisar Ali Khan later said talks would officially commence only after consulting political parties represented in parliament. The army which has lost thousands of soldiers in the fight against terrorism looks uneasy with the idea of dialogue and Gen Kayani has been calling for developing clarity and national consensus against terrorism. In his independence day anniversary speech at PMA Kakul, Gen Kayani had categorically said that surrender before militants was not the answer. Despite the army’s clear reservations, the government continues to move ahead with its planned dialogue. KARACHI OPERATION: The generals, the source said, were satisfied with the roster worked out for the Karachi clean-up operation which would be conducted through civilian law-enforcement agencies — Rangers and police. The targeted action against criminal gangs and terror groups in the port city will be overseen by a body led by the provincial chief minister while the military will provide intelligence support. “Political government is in the lead and a political process is continuing,” the source said. The Muttahida Qaumi Movement had called for an army-led operation, but the demand was rejected by all political parties. LOC: The meeting noted that the situation on the Line of Control might have abated for now, but tensions persisted. The morale of the troops deployed on the LoC and their state of preparedness were reviewed, the source said, adding that the situation could not be taken lightly. Gen Kayani had a day earlier visited the forward positions on the LoC and expressed satisfaction over “the state of morale, operational preparedness and vigil being maintained by troops on front line”. The meeting was informed that the number of violations of the 2003 LoC ceasefire accord by India had increased since 2011.
President says no to army role in Karachi By Syed Irfan Raza ISLAMABAD, Sept 4: President Asif Ali Zardari has rejected a call for deployment of army in Karachi to rid the city of terrorism, lawlessness and an endless wave of targeted killings.. Talking to journalists in Parliament House on Wednesday during a farewell reception hosted in his honour by the opposition, he said: “There is no need to call in the army.” The term of the president ends on Sunday. He said PPP, the main opposition party which he heads, would fully support the government. “We will support the present government during its five-year term.” He vowed to help the PML-N government in its efforts to develop the country and promote democracy. “We will ensure that no-one derails democracy.” About talks with the Taliban, the president said nine peace deals had been signed with the militants in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas but all of them failed. “They (militants) come every now and then with new demands.” About the previous PPP government’s moratorium on executions, he said it was a continuation of the policies of former prime minister and PPP chairperson Benazir Bhutto who was assassinated on Dec 27, 2007 in Rawalpindi. But he indicated that the moratorium had been announced in view of European Union (EU)’s reservations on death sentence and linking with trade. “Because of conditions put forth by the EU, we have to abolish the law of death penalty to access trade corridor of Europe,” he said. “We announced the moratorium because we have seen our system, our courts and judges and do not require a system in which innocent people can be hanged,” he said. Answering a question, the PPP chairman admitted that the PPP had suffered a defeat in 2013 elections because of its “weaknesses and wrong decisions.” Asked if he was satisfied with some key decisions taken by his government over the past five years, the president said most of the decisions he had taken were yet to bear fruit. “I hope that the present government will enjoy the benefits of the decisions we had taken,” he said. Without mentioning the Pakistan-Iran Gas Pipeline project, he said the present government would continue the PPP policy on relations with China and Turkey. Clad in black suit and appearing relaxed, President Zardari spoke about his future plan after leaving the presidency on Sept 8 and said he would remain in active politics. “I cannot say about my children Bilawal, Bakhtawar and Aseefa’s future plan but I will be setting up camps in all major cities to frequently meet PPP workers. I am happy on my freedom (from the presidency). I could not meet my workers over the past 15 years and now I wish to meet them, my friends and relatives,” he said. He said his younger daughter Aseefa Zardari Bhutto had got her vote registered in Tando Allahyar Khan on Wednesday. The reception was attended by Speaker of the National Assembly Sardar Ayaz Sadiq, Raja Zafarul Haq of the PML-N, Haji Adeel of the Awami National Party and several lawmakers from the Senate and the National Assembly. During the reception the president also mentioned turmoil in Syria and said that entire Arab world was boiling these days and warned: “This can come to Pakistan too.”
IMF approves $6.68bn loan for Pakistan By Anwar Iqbal WASHINGTON, Sept 4: The executive board of the International Monetary Fund approved on Wednesday a three-year, $6.68 billion arrangement under the Extended Fund Facility for Pakistan.. The IMF announced in Washington that the amount was equivalent to 435 per cent of Pakistan’s quota and aimed at supporting the country’s economic reform programme to promote inclusive growth. The loan approval enables an initial disbursement by the IMF of about $540 million while the remaining amount will be evenly disbursed over the duration of the programme. The disbursements will, however, be subject to the completion of quarterly reviews by IMF experts. The IMF also points out that alongside the financial support, there is an urgent need to mobilise additional donor support to strengthen Pakistan’s resilience to potential shocks, help finance the expanded social safety net, and allow for higher spending on development programmes. “The Fund stands ready to participate in any donor meeting to provide the economic and financial analysis that could underpin expanded support,” the announcement said. “Despite the challenges it faces, Pakistan is a country with abundant potential, given its geographical location and its rich human and natural resources,” the IMF observed. The government’s economic reform programme “is expected to help the economy rebound, forestall a balance of payments crisis and rebuild reserves”, it added. The fund also noted that the programme would help “reduce the fiscal deficit, and undertake comprehensive structural reforms to boost investment and growth”. The IMF hoped that the government would adhere to its reform programme as the “adherence … is also expected to catalyse the mobilisation of resources from other donors”. It said the 23-month standby loan would enable the government to implement a stabilisation programme envisaging a significant tightening of fiscal and monetary policies to bring down inflation and reduce the external current account deficit to more sustainable levels. It noted that the government’s programme sought to address current macroeconomic imbalances while protecting the poor and preserving social stability in the country. “By providing large financial support to Pakistan, the IMF is sending a strong signal to the donor community about the country’s improved macroeconomic prospects,” said IMF Deputy Managing Director Takatoshi Kato. “The government’s programme has two objectives: first, to restore overall economic stability and confidence through a tightening of macroeconomic policies, and second, to do so in a manner that ensures social stability and adequate support for the poor during the adjustment process,” said Juan Carlos Di Tata, the IMF mission chief to Pakistan. The fund noted that Pakistani authorities had already taken some difficult steps to achieve these objectives: energy subsidies had been cut and the interest rate had been increased to tighten monetary policy. Under a subtitle, “Implementation key to success,” the IMF warned that success of the programme could be affected by a number of risks. They arise from security and implementation uncertainties, a more severe-than-anticipated slowdown in economic activity in trading partners, and lower-than-expected private capital inflows.
Oil supply to Nato resumes after five months By Ibrahim Shinwari LANDI KOTAL, Sept 4: Oil supply to Nato forces in Afghanistan resumed on Wednesday after a five-month suspension because of attacks on tankers. Four oil tankers crossed the border into Afghanistan amid tight security. . Officials at Torkham border said additional personnel of Khasadar and Levies forces had been deployed along the road when the four oil tankers entered Khyber Agency from Peshawar near the Takhta Beg checkpost on Wednesday morning. The movement of the tankers was kept in low profile to avoid militant attacks. “It took the four tankers almost six hours to cover a 40km distance from Jamrud to the Torkham border due to bad road condition,” the driver of a tanker said. The officials said they had not been specifically informed about the resumption of supplies. It was the first delivery via the Torkham border since March. Transporters had suspended the supply first because of a row over freight charges with contractors and later due to threats from militant groups. A number of oil tankers and their owners were targeted by militant groups operating in Jamrud and Landi Kotal after the government announced the resumption of all kinds of supplies which had been suspended in November 2011 after Nato fighter planes bombed a security post in Salala, Mohmand Agency, in which 25 Pakistani soldiers lost their lives. AFP adds: “We resumed the supply from today (Wednesday) after hiring the services of a private firm which will provide security to our convoys from Karachi to Torkham,” contractor Azad Khan Afridi said, adding that contractors had suspended the supply after the government refused to provide them with extra security. He said Frontier Corps troops also escorted the tankers to the border. Pakistan and the United States have signed a deal allowing Nato convoys to travel into Afghanistan until the end of 2015.
SC dismisses plea about drone attacks By Nasir Iqbal ISLAMABAD, Sept 4: The Supreme Court held on Wednesday that since matters of defence, security of the country and foreign policy did not fall within the judicial domain, interference by the high courts was not warranted. . “Any such interference by the courts would be violative of one of the foundational principles of the constitution which envisages a trichotomy of powers between the legislature, executive and the judiciary,” said Justice Tassaduq Hussain Jillani, who was presiding over a two-judge bench that included Justice Amir Hani Muslim. The court had taken up an appeal filed by Dr Mohammad Abdul Basit of the Wukala Mahaz Barai Tahaffuz Dastoor against an Oct 27, 2009, order of the Lahore High Court that had dismissed a petition against drone attacks. Sarfraz Ahmed Gorsi, the counsel, sought a directive by the LHC to the federal government to ask the armed forces to defend the country against the external aggression (drone attacks). The petitioner had sought an authoritative declaration that the US was an enemy state and for taking all measures provided by the country’s law, like expulsion of its diplomatic personnel and seizure of their assets in Pakistan. It suggested that if the nuclear arsenal was found to be incapable of protecting Pakistan, rather posed a threat to its survival, then the government might be asked either to sell the assets in the international market to the highest bidder or to place them in safe custody of Iran. The high court dismissed the petition with an observation that such a decision was the responsibility of parliament and the government. The courts could not order launching of a war against any country. The petitioner filed an intra-court appeal in the LHC which upheld the order of the single bench on Oct 28, 2009, saying it had yet to be seen whether Pakistan had the capability of hitting drones and how far could its missile system target accurately. While dismissing the appeal, Justice Jillani said a reading of prayers in the petition indicated that the issues raised in it pertained to foreign policy, defence and security of the country. Such issues, the order said, were neither justiceable nor fell within the judicial domain for interference under Article 199 of the constitution. The order said the court did not find the concurrent orders of the high court to be exceptional, warranting interference.
Nawaz presides over Command Authority meeting today By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD, Sept 4: The National Command Authority (NCA) meets on Thursday to reassure the world that its nuclear weapons are safe and the country remained committed to non-proliferation goals.. The meeting, which would be chaired by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, is taking place against the backdrop of media disclosure that the United States had intensified surveillance of Pakistan’s nuclear programme. The revelation was based on documents leaked by whistleblower Edward Snowden. The former CIA contractor is currently in Russia on a temporary asylum. The NCA meeting will be attended by Foreign Affairs and National Security Adviser Sartaj Aziz, Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali, Finance Minister Ishaq Khan, Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, the three services chiefs and the chief of Strategic Plans Division. The NCA is the principal forum responsible for command and control of the country’s nuclear arsenal. It also looks after the security and safety of nuclear installations. This will be the second huddle of the civilian and military leadership in the past fortnight. The last time they got together on Aug 22 for the meeting of the Defence Committee of the Cabinet, they decided to set up a Cabinet Committee on National Security. The newly-constituted national security committee is similar in composition to the NCA except for the difference in their mandates. The leaked document on US intelligence ‘black budget’ revealed that US concerns about Pakistan’s nuclear programme were far deeper than known so far. The document is said to have divided the world into Pakistan and the rest. The Washington Post story has further claimed that Director of National Intelligence James Clapper had declined to certify that Pakistan’s nuclear safeguards were enough saying the matter could not be discussed in public. The US is primarily concerned about the possibility of nuclear facilities being attacked by militants, much like attacks on other security installations, and prospects of extremists having infiltrated military and intelligence ranks. Fears of extremists penetrating military ranks were compounded after the Army in 2011 arrested and sentenced a senior brigadier and other officers for linkages with outlawed Hizbut Tehrir. US fears about the Pakistani programme, Washington Post notes, have been driven by uncertainty about how the programme was being managed instead of some specific intelligence.
Nawaz-Singh meeting at UN likely By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD, Sept 5: The Foreign Office appeared hopeful on Thursday about a possible meeting between the prime ministers of Pakistan and India on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly session later this month.. “The date for the meeting between Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and his Indian counterpart Dr Manmohan Singh is being worked out,” Foreign Office spokesman Aizaz Chaudhry said at the weekly media briefing. Prime Minister Sharif is scheduled to address the session on Sept 26 and it is expected that the meeting between the two prime ministers will take place around that date. Mr Chaudhry said the expected meeting would help the two countries in engaging in a constructive dialogue for building mutual trust and improving ties. Pakistan’s position, the spokesman recalled, had been that hiatus in the dialogue with India strengthened the narrative of the anti-peace lobbies. “That’s why we have always been urging that dialogue must continue. Howsoever difficult the issues may be, they should be settled on the table.” Adviser on Foreign Affairs and National Security Sartaj Aziz will meet Indian External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid on Sept 13 in Kyrgyzstan on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Bishkek. The meeting is taking place on Pakistan’s request. Mr Aziz and Mr Khurshid are likely to finalise the date and agenda for the Sharif-Singh interaction. The spokesman expressed concern over “progressively deteriorating” situation in Syria, but said Pakistan remained opposed to use of force.
NCA stresses full-spectrum deterrence By Baqir Sajjad Syed ISLAMABAD, Sept 5: The National Command Authority (NCA) decided on Thursday to further develop the country’s nuclear weapons programme for preserving “full spectrum deterrence” against any possible external aggression.. The decision was taken at a meeting of the National Command Authority — the principal policy making body on the research, development, production, use and security of the nuclear programme. The meeting was presided over by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. This was Mr Sharif’s first session on the nuclear policy after returning to the prime minister’s office in June for a third term. The prime minister had in his second tenure rejected all international pressure and conducted nuclear tests in 1998 in response to Indian nuclear tests. Volatile regional security situation and discriminatory policies within the non-proliferation regime were the determining factors in Pakistan’s decision on further strengthening its nuclear programme even though the country is facing a severe economic crisis and had only a day earlier got a $6.64 billion loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to keep its economy afloat. “Pakistan would not remain oblivious to evolving security dynamics in South Asia and would maintain a full spectrum deterrence capability to deter all forms of aggression,” a statement issued after the meeting said. It also described the nuclear programme as central to the defence of the country. Further development of the nuclear programme implies that the perceived gaps in the programme would be plugged. The country has already been pursuing this track and has developed short-range and low-yield tactical weapons in response to India’s cold start doctrine. Widening conventional arms disparity with India, which is driven among other factors by country’s fast deteriorating economy, pushed Islamabad to lower its nuclear threshold. Introduction of new delivery systems — short-range missile NASR and air-launched cruise missile Raad; miniaturisation of war heads; are some of the clear pointers towards Pakistan’s increased focus on developing its nuclear programme. However, while taking the categorical decision of continuing with the development of the programme, which always raises alarm bells in the West, the NCA reiterated commitment to being a responsible nuclear state, avoiding arms race, remaining engaged with the Nuclear Security Summit process and playing its part in the global non-proliferation regime. Moreover, the offer of sharing its expertise under IAEA safeguards and training personnel on nuclear security were renewed. Criticising discriminatory trends in non-proliferation regime, particularly the expected entry of India into export control regimes, the NCA said such moves could imperil Pakistan’s national security, besides adversely affecting the global non-proliferation initiatives. Pakistani strategists fear that India’s entry into Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) through a country-specific exception would lead to it being denied high technology even for peaceful purposes. The NCA reminded that Pakistan possessed all credentials for qualifying for access to civilian nuclear technology and becoming a member of the multilateral export control regimes including NSG on non-discriminatory basis. Restating the country’s opposition to Fissile Material (Cut-Off) Treaty, the NCA said Pakistan would remain opposed to any arms control arrangement that is detrimental to its security and strategic interests. Pakistan has since 2009 opposed start of talks on FMCT at the Conference on Disarmament. Islamabad’s position has been that it would sign Fissile Material Treaty if the countries with fissile material reduce their stocks to a proportional level before setting the cut-off date instead of agreeing on existing stock levels which put the country in a disadvantageous position.
Old rivals in rare bonhomie By Khawar Ghumman ISLAMABAD, Sept 5: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s farewell lunch for President Asif Ali Zardari on Thursday turned out to be an event which would be remembered in the often hate-filled political history of the country as the two political rivals waxed lyrical about each other’s “crucial support” to strengthen democracy. . Once known for hitting at each other proverbial below the belt, particularly during the 1990s, both the host and the guest delved into fond memories they had shared after General Pervez Musharraf curbed the two mainstream parties — PPP, PML-N — following the 1999 military coup. Prime Minister Sharif sounded more nostalgic than President Zardari and recalled how former prime minister Benazir Bhutto visited him in Jeddah and London when he was in exile and braving the toughest time of his life. Without naming Gen Musharraf, the prime minister largely spoke of events following his ouster from power by the former general which brought the leadership of the two parties closer. In his written speech, Mr Sharif didn’t mince words in giving the credit for the ongoing political reconciliation between the two parties to late Ms Bhutto and President Zardari. “They disregarded a history of grievances between our two parties and took an initiative to establish contacts with us,” Nawaz Sharif recalled. “It is the corollary of these contacts which besides creating a feeling of benevolence between us, kick-started a new era which has had huge positive impact on the national politics,” he said. Mr Sharif especially lauded the signing of the Charter of Democracy between the PML-N and the PPP in London on May 14, 2006. “I must accept with open heart that President Zardari not only introduced new traditions of personal relationship, warmth and reconciliation in the realm of politics, but successfully implemented them. On this occasion, I would only talk about sweet memories, though we do have bitter ones too,” he said. Recalling the sad day of Dec 27, 2007, when Benazir Bhutto lost her life, the prime minister praised the role Mr Zardari then played and took care of his family and the party. “With the completion of five-year term by the first-ever democratically elected president of the country, and his farewell being organised at the Prime Minister Office, another first in the 66-year history of the country, democracy is here to stay in the country. Democracy gets strengthened with such healthy traditions,” he said. The prime minister wished the outgoing president and his party good luck and hoped that he would play a constructive role in strengthening democracy and for the welfare of the masses and wellbeing of the country. “This is our common agenda.” In his extempore speech, President Zardari thanked the PML-N government and Prime Minister Sharif for honouring him. He praised the role of the PML-N as an opposition party in the PPP government. The president said the PPP had lacked a two-thirds majority in the previous parliament, but with the help of the opposition carried out important legislation and many other major tasks. Mr Zardari assured the PML-N government of his party’s full support and said keeping with good and healthy traditions the PPP will always be there for good initiatives taken by the government. “This is not the time to indulge in politicking; we will do politics after five years when the next general elections will be announced,” he said. Referring to events taking place in the Middle East, President Zardari urged political leaders to close their ranks as the “fire raging in the Muslim world is not far from us and we must put our house in order to protect ourselves”. Commenting on the farewell lunch, a political analyst said the prime minister had sent a clear message to the president, who would be heading the PPP after leaving the presidency, that “look, I have let you complete your five-year term without creating any major hassle, and now it’s time to reciprocate”.
Four killed in North Waziristan drone strike By Pazir Gul MIRAMSHAH, Sept 5: Four suspected militants were killed and another two injured in a US drone strike in North Waziristan tribal region near the border with Afghanistan late on Thursday night, sources said.. They said the pilot-less plane fired two missiles at a house in Darga Mandi area of Ghulam Khan tehsil, around 8km from Miramshah, the administrative headquarters of North Waziristan. Four suspected militants were killed and two others injured in the attack that took place at around 12:30am, they said, adding that their names could not be ascertained immediately.
‘Mini-budget’ presages massive hike in tariffs By Khaleeq Kiani ISLAMABAD, Sept 5: The government has unfolded sort of a mid-year mini-budget and a three-year plan involving Rs105 billion new ‘gas levy’ a year, a 30-50 per cent gradual increase in electricity rates, privatisation of 30 entities, including the Pakistan International Airlines, rationalisation of trade tariff, withdrawal of tax exemptions and merger and consolidation of weaker banks to comply with the $6.64bn bailout agreement with the International Monetary Fund.. “By end-December 2013, we will implement a new gas levy that will increase tax revenue by 0.4 per cent of FDP on an annualised basis. This package is the first step towards a more efficient and equitable tax system,” committed Finance Minister Ishaq Dar and SBP Governor Yasin Anwar in writing. As part of a Memorandum of Economic and Financial Policies (MEFP) signed with the IMF, the government also hinted at changing the dynamics of the 7th National Finance Commission Award to “adjust the terms of fiscal decentralisation to be consistent with the imperatives of macroeconomic stability” for which it would begin negotiations before the end of the current financial year. On top of that, the government said it would do away with tax exemptions and prohibit itself by law to stop issuing statutory regulatory orders to “facilitate gradually moving the GST to a fully-fledged integrated modern indirect tax system with few exemptions and to an integrated income tax by 2016-17” – a rephrasing of the value-added tax (VAT) that was shot down by the PPP government two years ago. On the basis of a series of budgetary and economic measures introduced in the federal budget and until last week of August as ‘prior actions’, the IMF approved $6.64bn extended fund facility and would transmit the first instalment of $547 million to Pakistan within a couple of days to replenish foreign exchange reserves above $10bn next week, said Finance Minister Ishaq Dar at a news conference. The disbursement of remaining loan would depend on strict compliance of quantitative performance criteria, indicative targets and structural benchmarks under quarterly reviews and the government “well take any further measures that may become necessary” to meet contingencies. And contrary to public statements about $12bn financial inflows, the government disclosed in its agreement with the IMF that it required $15bn over the next three years that would be arranged through other lending agencies. POWER TARIFF: “The government has initiated a plan to phase out electricity subsidies over the life of the programme,” ending in 2015-16, said the MEFP that claimed to have got it approved at the highest level with the support of the provinces “entailing periodic increases in the average tariff, aimed at eliminating the tariff differential subsidy for all consumers except for the very lowest over the next three years” i.e. less than 200 units. To achieve this, a 30pc increase for weighted average tariff for domestic consumers will be notified with effect from October 1, 2013. In addition, the cost of servicing of the syndicated terms credit finance facility issued to cover some past losses will be incorporated in the notified base tariff by end-December 2013. Over the next two years, the government will generate about 0.4pc of GDP (about Rs120bn) of saving per year through reduction in subsidies to 0.3-0.4pc of GDP at the end of the programme. “Tariffs for 0.200 kwh (units) will be retained for now, and income support programme will cushion the impact of future tariff increases on the most vulnerable segments of the population.” In year 2 and 3 of the programme, subsidies will be phased out for users above 200 units and reduced for all but the lowest consumers (less than 200 units) range, it added. From the next year, tariff determined by the National Electric Power Regulatory Authority will become the ultimate tariff with a direct notification issued by Nepra. Access for the FBR to personal accounts and issuance of 100,000 income tax notices currently in progress will be complemented with initiatives to enhance revenue administration of sales tax, excises and customs to be developed and launched by end-December 2013. The government is committed to bringing down the fiscal deficit from an estimated 7.8pc to 5.5pc of GDP at the end of the current fiscal year. PRIVATISATION: The government will announce a strategy by the end of this month to privatise 30 units, including PIA, Pakistan Steel and Railways. The PIA will be divided into two companies, park all its liabilities into PIA-2, “apply a voluntary handshake to excess staff” and privatise 26pc strategic stakes by end-June 2014 and continue leasing planes for core-PIA. MONETARY POLICY: The MEFP conceded that the central bank purchased $125m foreign exchange from banks as prior action of the IMF programme and committed that the “SBP will refrain form further net direct lending to the government, and limit open market liquidity injections to the economy to those consistent with the programme. The inflation reduction will not be a primary focus of the first year so as to mitigate the impact of envisaged fiscal contraction”. The monetary policy will aim at reducing inflation while continuing to rebuild foreign exchange reserves. Hence the policy will initially be a moderate one, with tightening in the second and third years. The SBP will allow greater exchange rate flexibility, limiting intervention in the exchange market to the need to build reserves, cushion major shocks and strengthen competitiveness. Most importantly, “reserve loss exceeding $500m in any 30-day period during the programme will trigger consultation with IMF staff… and no further direct financing of the budget by the SBP, including purchases of government papers and limits on net domestic assets”. The MEFP confirmed that one public and three private sector banks did not meet the 10pc mandatory capital adequacy ratio. Therefore, the SBP will require completion of recapitalisation of the state-owned bank by end-December 2014. For private banks, the central bank indicated capital subscription from a private foreign bank for one to fill part of shortfall, capital-raising through issuance of non-cumulative perpetual preferred stock for another and merger or acquisition by a foreign investor for the third bank.
US rejects reports about 19,000 missing containers By Iftikhar A. Khan ISLAMABAD, Sept 5: The United States rejected on Thursday reports claiming that 19,000 containers of the International Security Assistance Force (Isaf) had gone missing from the Karachi port.. “Media suggestions that 19,000 United States/Isaf containers were stolen, including containers that contained weapons and ammunition, are false. While the United States routinely uses Karachi ports for both diplomatic and military shipments, neither the United States nor Isaf has ever shipped weapons or ammunition via Karachi ports,” a statement issued by the US embassy here said. The controversy over the disappearance of thousands of containers resurfaced two years after an inquiry into the matter was ordered by the Supreme Court on a claim made by Director General of Sindh Rangers that 19,000 containers had been stolen from the Karachi Port when MQM leader Babar Khan Ghauri was the Ports and Shipping Minister. During the hearing of a case about violence in Karachi, the DG Rangers had reportedly linked the surge of arms in the port city to the alleged disappearance of thousands of containers carrying arms. The embassy statement also said that all US government and Isaf cargo shipments were subject to inspection by Pakistani customs authorities and the United States and Isaf used carriers licensed and bonded by Pakistani Customs authorities. It said that the US tracked for all military cargo shipments worldwide, including the shipments entering and transiting Pakistan. “We have engaged the appropriate Pakistani authorities on this topic. We have underscored that the United States is able to account for all shipments that have arrived in and transited Karachi ports,” the statement said. Soon after the resurfacing of the ‘missing containers’ issue, MQM leader and former minister for ports and shipping Babar Khan Ghauri described it as a conspiracy against the MQM and warned that cornering the people of a particular community was not a good omen and would produce adverse results for the country. “I want to make it clear that Port and Shipping Ministry’s responsibility is to manage administrative activities, including permitting ships at the port while the FBR and other agencies are there to deal with the matter of clearance of containers.” He also pointed out that various agencies, including Naval Intelligence, ISI, IB and others were also present to monitor the clearance of all containers. He appealed to the Chief Justice of Pakistan to from a commission to investigate the matter. The Supreme Court, during the course of hearing of the Karachi violence case, had recently sought suggestions for corrective measures, appropriate lawful action and strict penalisation to halt the influx of firearms in the city which were subsequently used in organised and violent crimes. The Supreme Court ordered a one-man commission to determine the authenticity of reports that a shipload of guns and ammunition had arrived at the Karachi port during the tenure of the then minister for ports and shipping.The commission is reported to have started work on four points: smuggling of arms and ammunition, veracity of the DG Sindh Rangers’ statement, revenue leakages and its role in incidents of terrorism and preventive measures to avert such scandals in future.
Multi-party conference to discuss terror policy By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD, Sept 5: The government has decided to convene a multi-party conference to try to evolve consensus on a counter-terrorism strategy.. The conference to be held on Monday will discuss contours of the draft counter-terrorism strategy and seek views of political leaders on whether to go for dialogue or use state’s power to curb terrorism, an official told Dawn. Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan is reported to have contacted Leader of Opposition in the National Assembly Syed Khurshid Shah, PTI chairman Imran Khan, MQM leader Dr Farooq Sattar, JUI-F chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman, JI Amir Munawar Hasan and leaders of other parties. It is learnt that Imran Khan who had earlier decided to boycott such a conference has agreed to attend it. The conference was originally scheduled for July 12, but it was delayed because the government needed time to improve the draft of its counter-terrorism strategy. The interior minister told newsmen last month that the government preferred dialogue but it would not shy away from an “all out war” against militants if the political leadership agreed on it. In what was seen as the government’s first unambiguous statement about the growing security threat, the minister said: “We will leave it to the political parties to decide whether we should hold talks with militants, use force against them or adopt a mix of tact and might.” The “war against terror” was thrust upon the nation by a dictator, but saving Pakistan from death and destruction had now become “our war”, he said, adding that a strategy against militants would be thrashed out at a multi-party conference and the consensus developed at the MPC would be implemented in letter and spirit. Chaudhry Nisar said a policy on the issue of drone attacks would also be shaped up. The military leadership would give a briefing to the political leadership.
SC hears case against misuse of IB funds for political exigencies By Nasir Iqbal ISLAMABAD, Sept 5: The Supreme Court, hearing a case against misuse of accounts of the Intelligence Bureau for political exigencies, observed on Thursday that the court would be on a slippery slope if it held that the funds of the IB were not subject to public audit.. “It will be like a poison for the nation,” observed Justice Jawwad S. Khawaja. Headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, a three-judge bench had taken up allegations levelled in a news item published in an English daily on March 14 last year that the “govt withdrew millions from Intelligence Bureau’s accounts”. It accused the PPP government of drawing Rs270 million to dislodge the Punjab government in 2008-09. The newspaper also alleged that former director general of IB Dr Shoaib Suddle confirmed that money had been drawn from IB’s secret funds and that when the officer brought the matter to the notice of former prime minister Yousuf Raza Gilani he kept quiet because of political considerations. It also accused the PPP government of drawing Rs400m from 1988 to 1990 to buy loyalty of parliamentarians to defeat a ‘no-confidence’ motion, to win Azad Kashmir elections and to remove the then NWFP government to install Aftab Sherpao as chief minister. On Thursday, the apex court discussed at length the question whether the funds as well as expenditures of the IB should be subject to audit by the auditor general under Articles 169 and 170(2) of the constitution. Article 169 empowers the auditor general to perform functions as determined by parliament and until so determined by an order of the president. Article 170(2) deals with powers of the auditor general to determine the extent and nature of audit of accounts of federal and provincial governments and the bodies functioning under them. Highlighting the difficulty, Attorney General Muneer A. Malik explained that the process of audit of sensitive accounts dealing with security sometimes revealed more than it should. Some of the expenditures on the country’s security were unverifiable in their very inherent nature, he said. Mr Malik insisted that the word ‘audit’ had nowhere been defined in the constitution though described in accounting books and thus susceptible to many meanings. The audit does not mean accounts-keeping rather it determines the fairness of funds. Referring to an old practice, he argued that before the passage of the 18th Amendment the dispersing officer under whose command such funds were available used to give affidavits that funds were utilised in the best interest of the nation. But now the auditor general has to determine the extent and scope of the audit. The attorney general also cited the report submitted by the financial adviser to the cabinet, Arshad Ahmed, denying the allegations levelled in the news item and justifying that the amount in question was actually meant for security and utilised for intelligence-gathering purpose in Balochistan and Fata and anti-terrorist operations as well as for maintenance of law and order in Karachi. But Justice Jawwad S. Khawaja emphasised the need of drawing a distinction between audit of state departments and secrecy, adding that the court had to follow the constitution. The auditor general could not abdicate his role of auditing every single penny spent of this poor country, the judge said. The audit of accounts of sensitive departments never undermined security of the state, rather it actually enhanced it, he observed. Justice Sheikh Azmat Saeed, however, said he feared that going into the nitty-gritty of the expenses made for security reasons would be like committing suicide. He also questioned whether the intelligence agencies should be disclosing how much money they spent on subversive activities in neighbouring countries. The chief justice observed that the court was not against security and the strengthening of the nation rather it would be in the forefront for this cause. But the only thing the court was interested to know whether or not things should be under the discipline of the constitution. There is no discipline when security of the country is concerned, replied the attorney general. The court, however, asked former director general of IB retired Colonel Iqbal Niazi and Major Jadoon of the IB to submit their points of view in writing in a sealed envelop. Col Niazi had denied the contents of the news item, but offered to divulge actual utilisation of the funds in camera.
Govt gets leaders’ support for APC By Khawar Ghumman ISLAMABAD, Sept 6: After receiving confirmation from leaders of all political parties about their participation, the federal government gave final touches on Friday to its preparations for the All-Party Conference on National Security Policy to make it a result-oriented huddle. The APC will be held on 9th.. The most important part of the meeting, according to a government source, would be a no holds barred briefing by the military establishment before politicians start their deliberations on how to counter both internal and external security threats to the country. “The government has assured in its invitation to the political leaders that during the conference the military leadership will come clean on its policy vis-a-vis militants in tribal areas to ensure that consultations lead to some concrete outcome,” the source said. He said there was a positive response from all political parties invited to the conference which was scheduled to be held on Sept 9 in the Prime Minister’s Office. Although yet to be confirmed on record, the official said a separate meeting among Army Chief Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf chairman Imran Khan and Khyber Pakhtunkhawa Chief Minister Paravez Khattak was also on the cards. The PTI chief has repeatedly demanded an exclusive meeting with the military leadership before attending any APC or any such huddle meant to evolve national consensus on national security policy. He has said on a number of occasions that unless he is informed about the military’s actual strategy in tribal areas, where it is heavily involved in fighting militants, it is useless to attend an APC. Though the time and venue of the meeting between PTI and military leadership is yet to be finalised, the government official said it was likely to be held on Monday morning before the formal opening of the APC. Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan remained busy on Friday making telephone calls and meeting political leaders to ensure their participation in the conference. He also called on the prime minister and updated him on the matter. The interior minister is said to have contacted Leader of Opposition in the National Assembly Syed Khurshid Shah, PTI chief Imran Khan, Muttahida Qaumi Movement leader Dr Farooq Sattar, JUI-F Chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman, Jamaat-i-Islami Chief Munawar Hassan and leaders of other political parties. On Friday, the prime minister also met former prime minister, Yousuf Raza Gilani, and made a telephone call to Pir of Pagara Pir Sibgatullah Rashidi. While the government is hopeful of a fruitful discussion on the crucial issue among political leadership in the APC, critics are asking question how this conference will be different from the previous ones held on the subject. And also what would be attitude of the military establishment because, after a corps commanders’ meeting on Sept 4 the army had decided to continue its operations in tribal areas. It also said the operations would remain unaffected by the government’s plan to hold talks with Taliban. No-one was available from the ISPR to comment on the APC. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was the chief speaker at the JUI-F-sponsored conference held in Islamabad on Feb 28 which had unanimously decided to hold talks with militants through a grand tribal jirga. Signed by about 30 political and religious parties, the declaration of this conference said: “All the religious and political parties and Fata elders participating in today’s APC announce that the present, interim and the next elected government and the (future) opposition will be bound to implement all the steps agreed upon.” When asked what was the JUI-F’s stance about the coming APC its spokesperson Jan Achakzai said if a new government with a fresh mandate took a concrete decision, things could move forward. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in his recent meetings with JUI-F Chief Maulana Fazalur Rehman had claimed that the civilian and military leaders were on the same page over his government’s plan to hold talks with Taliban, which wasn’t the case in the past. “More or less there is an across-the-board consensus among all political forces to hold talks with the Taliban,” the JUF-F leader said. An APC held by Awami National Party on Feb 14 had also supported talks with militants.
Zardari to take charge of PPP By Zulqernain Tahir LAHORE, Sept 6: President Asif Ali Zardari, who had to quit the chairmanship of Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) on court orders over five months ago, is getting back the post after completion of his five-year tenure on Sunday.. Bilawal Bhutto would, informed sources said, continue to be the patron-in-chief of the PPP. PPP Secretary-General Sardar Latif Khosa told Dawn on Friday that Mr Zardari would be made chairman through a resolution adopted by the party and endorsed by the central executive committee. He said his election as chairman would merely be a formality as workers still considered him as head of the party. Some senior PPP leaders are of the view that Mr Zardari, being ‘de facto’ head of the party, should continue to chair party meetings, but others want him to be elected to the post after the completion of his presidential term. Sardar Khosa said the PPP under the command of Mr Zardari would be a strong opposition and it would be strengthened, especially in the Punjab. “Punjab PPP needs Mr Zardari more as we have to regain our position in the Punjab and make it a stronghold of the party again,” he said. He said Mr Zardari would spend more time in Lahore in coming weeks and address party issues. He also said that in the next general elections, Aseefa and Bilawal would play an active role in strengthening the party’s youth, women and human rights wings. Bilawal would remain in contact with workers through video-conferencing, he further said. The Punjab PPP leadership believes that Mr Zardari’s presence in the Punjab would give a boost to the PPP in the province. President Zardari is due here on Sunday. After a day’s stay, he will leave for Islamabad to attend oath-taking ceremony of president-elect Mamnoon Hussain. He would return to Lahore and stay here for 10 days, Mr Khosa said. Clarifying President Zardari’s remarks that the PPP would do politics after five years, the former Punjab governor said: “It does not mean that we will be a friendly opposition. We will do issue-based politics and avoid PML-N-like politics of mudslinging. We will follow the Charter of Democracy.”
No army operation in Balochistan: Kayani By Saleem Shahid SUI, Sept 6: Chief of Army Staff Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani has categorically stated that no military operation is taking place in Balochistan.. Speaking at a function to mark the Defence Day at the Sui Military College in this town of Dera Bugti district on Friday, Gen Kayani said the army was extending all types of cooperation to Balochistan government in its efforts for maintaining peace, fighting terrorism, carrying out activities for socio-economic development and promoting education in the province. Balochistan Chief Minister Dr Abdul Malik Baloch, Commander Southern Command Lt Gen Nasir Khan Janjua, Inspector General of Frontier Corps Maj Gen Ejaz Shahid, Chief Secretary Babar Yaqoob Fateh Mohammad, Commandant of Military College, Sui, Brigadier Imranul Haq, MPA Mir Sarfraz Bugti and a large number of tribal elders attended the function. The chief minister in his address stressed the need for a joint fight against illiteracy, poverty and backwardness, saying that improving the standard of life of the people of the province was the priority of his government. The army chief said a strong and prosperous Balochistan would guarantee development across the country. “Not a single soldier of Pakistan Army is involved in any operation in Balochistan,” Gen Kayani said. Work on three under construction army cantonments in the province had already stopped and the Sui cantonment had been converted into a military college where over 600 students were studying, he added. He said the army was providing assistance to the Balochistan government in its fight against poverty and backwardness. In this regard, he added, the army was providing latest weapons and training facilities to Balochistan police so that it could effectively fight terrorism. The army chief said efforts were being made to bring the youths of Balochistan into the mainstream and for the purpose the army had set up the country’s third military college in Sui. Gen Kayani said at present over 12,000 students were studying in various schools and colleges being run by Pakistan Army and Frontier Corps. Under the Chamalang education programme, over 4,500 students belonging to Balochistan were studying in best educational institutions being run by the army, he added. He said the Army established the Institute of Medical Sciences in Quetta where classes were started last year. The institute, he added, would produce more doctors for Balochistan and help overcome the shortage of doctors in the province. He made a mention of the Gwadar Institute of Technical Education, Balochistan Institute of Mineralogy and Balochistan Institute of Technical Education, praising these institutions for imparting quality education. Gen Kayani said at present over 20,000 youths of Balochistan were serving in Pakistan Army. He said over the past three years over 12,000 youths from Balochistan had been recruited in the Army, adding that more Baloch youths would soon be part of this force. For the purpose, he said, a special centre was being established in Quetta to prepare youths for the ISSB test. The percentage of recruitment in the Army from Balochistan had increased from 1.7 to 3.5 over the past three years, he added. The army had launched many development projects in Balochistan. The chief minister said everyone had a role to play for bringing stability, progress and prosperity in Balochistan. He said the youths of the province needed quality education so that they could play their role for development of the country. Dr Baloch said local people should be given jobs in the PPL and OGDCL as it was their right. He called upon the administration of the military college to give admissions as many students as possible from Dera Bugti. He announced a grant of Rs10 million for the college and some amount for other schools in district. The chief minister said the government was establishing three medical colleges and three more universities in Balochistan and that it had increased funds allocation for the improvement of education in the province. He urged warring tribes and angry Baloch people to shun their differences and play their role in the development of Balochistan. Dr Malik Baloch called upon members of Balochistan Assembly not to support those teachers and doctors who were not ready to perform their duty honestly. Mir Sarfraz Bugti also spoke on the occasion.
Pakistan condemns attack By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD, Sept 6: “The Government of Pakistan strongly condemns the US drone strike that took place in Ghulam Khan tehsil of North Waziristan on the early morning of 6th September 2013. . “These unilateral strikes are a violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity,” a ritual statement issued by the Foreign Office after the drone strikes said. “Pakistan has repeatedly emphasised the importance of bringing an immediate end to drone strikes,” it added. This was the second attack since Adviser on Foreign Affairs and National Security Sartaj Aziz told the National Assembly that the government expected progress in talks with the US over ending drone attacks. The US has significantly reduced the frequency of the attacks focusing the campaign on high-value targets. The latest attack was the 21st this year compared to 46 last year. The attacks peaked in 2010 with 117. The issue of drone attacks is a sore point in Pakistan-US bilateral relations. The two countries are expected to resume the Strategic Dialogue in a few months after a long break. “These drone strikes have a negative impact on the mutual desire of both countries to forge a cordial and cooperative relationship and to ensure peace and stability in the region,” FO statement said. It reiterated its usual stance that the drones cause loss of innocent lives and had human rights and humanitarian implications. “The Government of Pakistan has consistently maintained that drone strikes are counter-productive,” the statement noted.
Haqqani network leader killed in drone strike By Pazir Gul MIRAMSHAH, Sept 6: Sangin Zadran, the senior-most commander of the Al Qaeda-linked Haqqani network, was among six militants killed in Thursday night’s US drone attack in North Waziristan, security and local sources said. Other militants included two Jordanians, an Egyptian and two locals.. They were identified as Zubir al Muzi (Egyptian), Mohammad Abu Bilal al-Khurasani and Abu Daghana (Jordanians) and locals Abdul Majeed and Arshad Dawar. Zubair al Muzi was an Al Qaeda commander and an explosives expert. Zadran is said to have been involved in the kidnapping of American soldier Bowe Robert Bergdahl. The soldier has been in the Taliban captivity since June 2009. Thursday’s attack came less than a week after a US drone killed four foreign militants in an abandoned seminary in the same area. They belonged to Tajikistan. Zadran and other militants were killed when missiles fired by the drone struck the house of one Gul Musa Khan in Ghulam Khan area of North Waziristan. Zadran was reported to have had close ties with the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan. “He was a double-crosser,” a security official said of the Afghan militant commander. “This is a huge setback not only for the Haqqani network but also for the TTP,” the official said. “The Americans had been after him for a long time,” he said. Zadran’s killing on the Pakistan soil is likely to embarrass the government which has been persistently denying that the Haqqani network was operating from its tribal region. It also signifies the linkages between the Afghan-led Haqqani network and the TTP, something the government has always denied. Shortly before Friday prayers, announcements were made on loudspeakers from mosques in Miramshah, asking people to attend the funeral prayers of Sangin Zadran. Around 2,000 people attended the funeral, residents said. Agencies add: “He was one of the chief mediators among the Taliban factions, responsible for settling disputes,” said Saifullah Mahsud of the Fata Research Centre, a Pakistani think-tank that works in the tribal areas. “He was also holding Bergdahl.” Sgt. Bowe Bergdahl, captured in 2009, is the only American soldier the militants hold. They have had repeated discussions with US authorities for exchanging him for some of the high-profile prisoners held in Guantanamo Bay. He was identified by the SITE monitoring group as the militant who blindfolded and led away US soldier Bowe Bergdahl on a video filmed of his captivity. Efforts to negotiate an exchange between Bergdahl and five Taliban prisoners in Guantanamo Bay collapsed last year.
MFN status will be given to India, IMF assured By Khaleeq Kiani ISLAMABAD, Sept 6: Pakistan has assured the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to grant ‘most favoured nation’ (MFN) status to India and move towards eliminating the negative list on trade with the neighbour as part of its overall trade policy. . “We are moving forward with eliminating the negative list on trade with India and extending India most favoured nation status, and shifting to ‘sensitive list’ under SAFTA (South Asia Free Trade Arrangement) regime to facilitate increased regional trade,” Finance Minister Ishaq Dar assured the IMF in writing during negotiations for recently approved $6.64 billion economic bailout package. The PPP government had decided in March last year to switch over from positive list of about 1,900 tradable items to a negative list of about 1,206 items, thereby allowing about 5,000 items to be traded between the two countries. The PPP government announced that it would grant MFN status to India on Dec 31 last year by doing away with the negative list, but the commitment remained unmet because India did not move to remove non-tariff barriers on Pakistani products and some industrialists opposed the move. A large number of automobile, textile and pharmaceutical products form major part of the negative list of 1,206 items. Interestingly, Finance Minister Dar said in a television talk show on Aug 12 that the MFN status for India was not under consideration. “There is no immediate consideration to grant MFN status to India. There is need to normalise relations on a number of issues,” he said during tensions over incidents on the Line of Control. The Memorandum of Economic and Financial Policies (MEFP), the finance minister submitted to the IMF on Aug 19, has spelt out the major contours of the trade policy with major focus on normalisation of trade relations. Besides intentions to improve trade relations with neighbours, the minister said the government’s strategy would also be to take full advantage of trade preferences available from the European Union where Pakistan had autonomous trade preferences in 75 items. “In addition, the EU is currently considering our request for receiving GSP plus benefits (zero per cent duty) from January 2, 2014 on exports,” he said. The minister said that trade policy reforms would ensure consumer welfare and stimulate growth via increased competition. “Simplifying tariff rates, eliminating the statutory regulatory orders (SROs) that establish special rates and non-trade barriers in some 4,000 product areas, and normalising trade relations should deliver the much needed competitive environment.” The finance minister committed to working on simplifying the tariff structure to return to the 2004 framework, with 4 slabs and 0 to 25 per cent rates. “Design of the new system would be completed by end-December 2013, with application of the revised tariff rates and begin the phase-out of trade SROs by June 2014. Implementation of the new trade framework would be completed by end-June 2016,” he said. The minister said that for widening the tax base the government would prepare a comprehensive plan to separate existing SROs either by eliminating those granting exemptions or concessions by the end of December this year and introduce more taxation measures in the finance bill of fiscal year 2014-15.
Gunmen kill nine near Peshawar PESHAWAR, Sept 6: Gunmen attacked a mini-bus and two other vehicles near Peshawar late on Friday, killing nine people, police said.. The incident happened in the Mattani area on the outskirts of Peshawar. “Gunmen in two cars opened fire on a mini-bus, two other vehicles and on people who came out of their houses after hearing the gunfire, killing a total of nine,” local police official Abid Khan told AFP. He said those killed in the firing included six passengers and three local residents, adding that the motive and the perpetrators of the attack were not immediately known. Another police official, Iftikhar Uddin, also confirmed the attack and casualties.—AFP
Talks with Taliban: empty claims by Sami and Fazl By Umer Farooq ISLAMABAD, Sept 6: The provincial and federal governments are looking for clerics who may have influence with the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) as they no longer believe that the usual suspects such as Maulana Fazlur Rehman and Maulana Samiul Haq can prove to be of use.. In fact, the PML-N government at the centre and the PTI government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa have not spoken to these two leaders about the proposed talks with the TTP since the second week of July. Instead, the PML-N government in the centre and the PTI government in KP are trying to contact the Taliban leadership based in North Waziristan through lesser known religious leaders based in KP. It is learnt that the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government has started looking for clerics who still wield influence on Taliban ranks in tribal areas. The official spokesmen of Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s JUI-F and Maulana Samiul Haq’s JUI-S confirmed this. “The Nawaz Sharif government is not actively pursuing this issue any more,” said Maulana Yousaf Shah, the official spokesman of JUI-S. Similarly, Jan Muhammad Achakzai, spokesman of JUI-F, said that the last meeting between Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and Maulana Fazlur Rehman on this issue took place in the second week of July. Yet, these two leaders have not stopped playing to the press galleries, giving statements about the talks and implying that they are still involved in behind-the-scenes talks. Their ploys were lent further credence when the American Ambassador visited Maulana Sami in Akora Khattak in July. “First the American Ambassador met Maulana Samiul Haq and requested him to play a role in contacting the Taliban and later Nawaz Sharif sent a special emissary to him (Haq). In the same month Imran Khan sent the Chief Minister, Pervez Khattak, to him to discuss the same issue,” Maulana Yousaf Shah said. He claimed that “Maulana Samiul Haq can influence the attitudes and policies of Taliban if the government and the military can assure him about their peaceful intentions.” But since July these two clerics have not been approached. A senior federal government official confirmed that the Sharif government had not contacted Maulana Fazl on this issue since July. In the past these two religious leaders had acted as mediators between the tribal militants and the Pakistan army. For instance, security analyst Brig (retd) Shaukat Qadir said that in 2003-2004 the then crops commander Peshawar, Lt General (retd) Safdar Hussein, requested Maulana Sami to convince the militants to talk to the military. “Initially the tribal jirga asked the militant commander Nek Muhammad to stop fighting but he didn’t listen. Then the Maulana convinced Nek to talk to the military,” said Brig (retd) Shaukat Qadir, adding that this “influence is now a thing of the past”. Former military official and security analyst Brig (retd) Mehmood Shah agreed that in 2004 JUI leaders had acted as mediators between army and tribal militants but he had a different take on the results than Qadir. “Those talks failed primarily because JUI men created further misunderstandings,” said Shah, who was Secretary Fata at the time. Experts say that in the past the main reason for this perception of influence was the Deobandi background of the Pakistani and Afghan Taliban. However, with time these Deobandi ties have weakened. Saleem Safi, a senior journalist who has written extensively on the Taliban, said that the Pakistani Taliban could no longer be called Deobandi outfit. “The Pakistani Taliban are now more influenced by the Al Qaeda-linked Arab Salafi groups, as well as Pakistani Salafi groups such as Lashkar-i-Taiba.” “The influence of Deobandi religious scholars such as Maulana Samiul Haq is non-existent,” he added. No wonder then that Maulana Fazl is no longer claiming that he can bring the Taliban to the negotiating table. “Maulana can serve as guide to the Jirga, which will hold talks with the Taliban. He can guide the government on how to hold the talks with the Taliban,” says Achakzai. He adds that “if any religious leaders think that they can tame the militant commanders on their own, they are wrong. Maulana Fazlur Rehman cannot tame all the militant commanders”. As a result, the federal and provincial governments are now looking elsewhere. A Peshawar-based senior journalist says that the KP chief minister told journalists in an off-the-record briefing that the government had made a mistake by reaching out to Samiul Haq. Whether or not Maulana Sami realises what has happened, Maulana Fazl is aware of the changed stakes. In fact, the changed political realities have forced the wily Maulana to adapt quickly. He now wants to sit on the government’s side of the negotiating table: “Maulana Fazlur Rehman can even neutralise the Taliban’s religious and militant narratives,” says Jan Muhammad Achakzai. The writer is a reporter with the Herald
Differences among judges over issue of colleagues’ pension By Nasir Iqbal ISLAMABAD, Sept 6: Serious differences have emerged among members of a seven-judge Supreme Court bench over whether a short order on a matter should reign supreme or the subsequent detailed verdict. . The April 11 short order by a five-judge bench about 69 retired judges of high courts required them to return the benefits they received as pension (amounting to Rs1.64 billion) even though they did not complete the mandatory five-year service period. However, in the detailed verdict three judges differed with the other judges on the issue of  pension. There were differences also over a proposal to send the petitions filed by the affected judges to Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry to re-hear the matter on a suo motu by a larger bench. The issue cropped up when a number of retired judges filed petitions in the Supreme Court and sought review of the short order issued by a five-member bench in which it was held that the superior court judges who were in receipt of pension despite having served for less than five years would not be entitled to it. The retired judges who filed the review petitions included Abdul Ghani Sheikh, Tariq Mehmood, Majida Rizvi, Riaz Kiani, Muhammad Azam Khan, Mansoor Ahmed, Muhammad Sadiq Laghari, Saeedur Rehman Farrukh and Shahid Anwar Bajwa. Of the Rs1.64bn that has to be recovered from 69 judges, Rs858 million has to be returned by 36 retired judges of the Lahore High Court, Rs397.5m by 17 judges of the Peshawar High Court, Rs46m by two judges of the Balochistan High Court and Rs345m by 14 judges of the Sindh High Court. When a seven-judge bench took up the review petitions on July 10, the petitioner judges appeared in the court one by one and insisted that they should be allowed to withdraw their petitions unconditionally because the detailed judgment favoured their position in the case. But Justice Jawwad S. Khawaja, who was presiding over the bench, declared that he would go through the entire history of the case. Later Justice Khawaja ruled in a note that even though the review petitions should be allowed to be withdrawn, the short order should be implemented with all the consequences flowing from it without exception. Referring to the opinion of three judges in the detailed reasons that the amount received by the retired judges should not be taken back, Justice Khawaja said: “With great humility, it appeared that the settled principles of law enunciated by this court may have escaped [the] judges’ notice.” But Justice Mian Saqib Nisar, in his additional note, took a divergent view and observed that the review petitions should be “dismissed simpliciter as withdrawn as has been done in a similar case by a different bench since these have been unconditionally taken back. Moreover neither the federal government nor the accountant general of Pakistan has come in review to challenge the detailed reasons passed pursuant to the short order”. Justice Nisar also differed with the suggestion that suo motu proceedings should be conducted to deal with the matter and wondered whether suo motu notice should also be taken in case a majority of judges offered a divergent view on any legal or factual issue involving a large amount of public money. Justice Nisar also said that review petitions should generally and ordinarily be heard by the bench that had originally heard the matter. The objective behind this principle is that the court/judge hearing and deciding the matter earlier had full comprehension as to what was argued and what was the understanding of the judge at the time of first hearings on the matter. Justice Nisar also explained that the short order was never formulated and was never meant to be final and conclusive with regard to the recovery of pension and thus detailed reasons were avoided. “In my candid view, three members of the (five-judge) bench who have declined the recovery have passed the judgment well within their authority and nothing eluded their attention while doing so,” he wrote. Justice Anwar Zaheer Jamali and Justice Ijaz Ahmed Chaudhry endorsed the opinion of Justice Khawaja but Justice Ejaz Afzal Khan agreed only to the view that the petitioners should be heard again. Justice Muhammad Athar Saeed and Justice Iqbal Hameedur Rehman strongly endorsed the opinion of Justice Nisar. In view of the differences among the judges, Justice Khawaja finally decided that the matter should be heard again.
4.7m SIMs to be blocked By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD, Sept 6: Telecommunication companies will block some 4.7 million unauthorised SIMs (subscriber identity modules) to stop their use in terrorist activities.. Sources in the Ministry of Interior told Dawn that the decision to this effect was taken at a meeting held here with Interior Secretary Chaudhry Qamar Zaman in the chair. The meeting was informed that so far 121m SIMs had been issued, with cellular companies claiming that 116.3m of them had been registered. It was decided that Nadra would provide telecommunication companies access to its database to verify biometrics of applicants before issuing new SIMs in future.
Editorial NEWS
No clear picture: Talks with the Taliban THEY are talking, they may not be talking; they could be talking or perhaps they aren’t at all. It could be that the uncertainty is rooted in the very premise of talks between the government and the Taliban, whose explicit agenda is the violent overthrow of the state and whose active existence the latter has been unable to regulate or contain. Information Minister Pervez Rashid has said yes, a backchannel has been activated with some elements of the Taliban; nothing doing, the TTP spokesperson Shahidullah Shahid, has claimed. Who is right will in time become clear, but what is already evident is that the talk of talks is not going away. Since June, the federal government has vacillated on the matter, blowing hot and cold on the issue of talks without quite giving up on its campaign rhetoric that talks were the preferred, though not the only, option.. This newspaper has long expressed deep reservations about the prospects of a negotiated settlement with the Taliban: who to negotiate with; what, if any, middle ground can be found; how will the state ensure the Taliban don’t use the breather of talks to consolidate; how and who will ensure compliance of any deal with the Taliban. These and more are some of the complicated questions to which there are no good answers, even when asked of the proponents of talks. But there being no good answers has not deterred the proponents, especially the religious parties whose leaders have repeatedly offered their services as interlocutors between the government and the Taliban. This theory too is untested: can the JUI-F or the JI or smaller religiously inclined groups act as effective interlocutors? The leaders of these parties certainly believe so, but from the outside it’s difficult to say how much of that is motivated by fear of or sympathy for the militant cause. If talks are to succeed, at a bare minimum the government will likely have to promise some kind of amnesty to militant groups. But what beyond that? Can reconciled groups be allowed to remain armed or to control terrain? Will any of them snap ties with Al Qaeda and evict foreign militants in their midst? Will they demand safe passage to Afghanistan and sanctuary in Pakistan to fight the Afghan government and the dwindling foreign troops there? Is any of that in Pakistan’s long-term interests? The government has won the right to govern for five years, but myopia in the early days can have lasting consequences.
Lack of progress: Ties with Russia EVEN though it had the grandiose title of strategic dialogue, the two-day talks between Pakistan and Russia in Moscow broke no new ground. As the statement issued by the Foreign Office in Islamabad on Friday shows, the only point on which the two governments agree is not to ignore each other and seek cooperation in political, economic and defence matters. Theoretically, this opens up a new vista of cooperation. But the unsatisfactory record of their bilateral relationship since Russia shed its ‘empire’ baggage leaves little room for optimism. The statement, issued following the foreign secretary’s talks with Russian diplomats, emphasises the need for “more high-level contacts”. Actually, there have been no high-level parleys since President Asif Ali Zardari and President Vladimir Putin cancelled their visits last year, the former for domestic reasons, the latter because of lack of progress on the Iran pipeline to which Moscow had made a financial commitment.. The history of Pakistan-Russia ties is mired in hostility, stemming from this country’s membership of the US-led military alliances during the Cold War. Pakistan was then considered America’s most ‘allied ally’, and it was from an American air base in Pakistan that the U-2 spy plane piloted by Gary Powers flew over Russia and was shot down. Their relationship worsened when the USSR invaded Afghanistan, and Pakistan became a willing conduit for the CIA’s overt and covert aid to anti-Soviet guerillas fighting the America-led ‘jihad’. Unfortunately, in spite of the Soviet Union’s breakup, Islamabad and Moscow have not been able to forge a closer relationship, even though they have common concerns in the region, especially in what Russia calls its ‘near abroad’. Like Islamabad, Moscow will carefully watch the post-2014 scenario in Afghanistan, and it is in the two countries’ interest to exchange notes on militant networks in the region. Pakistan must also seek to diversify its political and economic relations. Post-communism Russia may be facing challenges but let us not underestimate its potential as a major global player in the future.
Unwanted morality brigade: PTA ban on mobile phone packages IT was a move that left many scratching their heads in disbelief in the first place, and the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority has just made it worse. Last year, the PTA issued a directive to cellular mobile operators that late-night talk and SMS packages offered at cheap rates be curtailed because it was an issue of public morals. Apparently, the idea of young people chatting to each other through the midnight hours was too much for the regulatory authority to stomach. Now, on Thursday, it issued another directive saying that all such incentive-packages, regardless of time of day, should be wound up because they were “contrary to the moral values of society”. Clearly, Pakistan has solved all its other problems if an important regulatory body finds itself seized with such an issue.. The PTA has cited a survey it carried out as evidence that the citizenry wants such a ban in place. This is hardly surprising. Even as the country spirals down a vortex of violence and militancy, it is the affairs of young people that too many remain fixated upon. As it is, ours is a conservative society. And now, perhaps because of the current wave of religiosity, there is a stronger tendency than before to clamp down on the activities of young people with whatever means are available. A few months ago, it was precisely such views that caused the shutdown of sheesha cafés, which had become popular amongst younger circles in certain urban areas. The intermingling of young men and women is not a matter that should concern the state which has nothing to gain except opprobrium by acting as self-appointed guardian of society’s morals. Whether the PTA even has the authority to pass such directives is questionable. It should mind its own business.
Ambiguity on drones: Missile strike in North Waziristan THE frequency has dropped precipitously, but drone strikes still stir the pot and every fresh strike raises a host of old questions. As ever, there are multiple versions of the drone strike on Saturday in North Waziristan. According to security officials, the target was a compound belonging to Hafiz Gul Bahadur that was presently housing militants from Tajikistan. Little of that version is surprising: Hafiz Gul Bahadur is the quintessential ‘good Taliban’ who cuts deals with the state, but also has a ‘bad Taliban’ side that gives sanctuary to foreign militants. But then there’s the other version, that of the government in Islamabad. For one, the Foreign Office issued a boilerplate statement of concern — relations with the US could be negatively affected if unilateral strikes continue, the statement seemed to suggest. For another, murmurs of concern were raised about the possible impact on the as-yet-denied back-channel talks with the Taliban.. Increasingly though the state’s response to drone strikes cannot be seen in isolation. Where there was initially hope that the government would provide political leadership and assert itself in the foreign policy and national security domains, now there just seems to be ambivalence. Not even the prime minister’s decision to keep the foreign ministry portfolio for himself and close advisers — in the face of strong criticism from the foreign policy elite — has yielded any significant diplomatic initiative on any front. It was and is Nawaz Sharif’s choice to have focused on the energy crisis after taking office, but then perhaps it was best to give the foreign ministry a full-time minister and a clear set of directions. On drones, there is little significantly new that can be done. To the extent that Pakistan has applied pressure to get America to strike less frequently, that has already been achieved. The best option was and remains for the state to regain control of the areas where drones strike, overwhelmingly in the Waziristan agencies. Beyond that, the problem is of politics: tacit acceptance of the utility of strikes and overt opposition to them is a political cul-de-sac in which the last government was trapped. If something is unacceptable and a red line is crossed and yet no response comes, governments tend to lose credibility. On drones, the PML-N already appears to be falling off the tightrope.
Academic autonomy: New Sindh varsities’ law THE Sindh Universities Laws (Amendment) Act 2013, recently passed by the provincial assembly and signed by the acting governor, has attracted a fair bit of criticism. Teachers have complained that the law was passed in haste and that the academic community was not consulted. Earlier, there were differences between Karachi-based teachers, who totally rejected the law, and their peers in other parts of Sindh, who criticised only certain clauses, but these seem to have been resolved for the moment. The fact that the chancellor of public-sector varsities — the Sindh governor — will have to appoint vice-chancellors as per the recommendation of the chief minister has been welcomed. But many academics disagree with the law’s provision that gives the chief minister the power to appoint other key posts (registrar, bursar etc). Teachers have also questioned provisions that allow the government to set the admission policy of Karachi varsities, while other universities in Sindh are allowed to have their own admission criteria. The fear is that giving the provincial government the power to appoint important academic and administrative positions (other than the vice-chancellor) will lead to increased politicisation and interference by the bureaucracy in the varsities’ affairs. Already there is much political interference in the way public universities are run. What will ensure that under the new law, top posts are not filled by political favourites?. Autonomy is essential for Sindh’s varsities to develop into quality seats of learning. While the state should have a role in monitoring public institutions, micromanagement, especially in academic affairs, will only speed up the decline in educational standards. Giving the chief minister powers of oversight may well be in line with the spirit of devolution, but it must be ensured that political meddling in academic and administrative matters does not increase. Teachers have given the Sindh government time to consider their demands and review the law. The provincial administration must consult the academic community and address their concerns about autonomy and make amendments where needed to safeguard the academic freedom of Sindh’s varsities.
Twenty-first century slaves: Chained children recovered “DO I appear mad to you?” asked the 14-year-old girl upon being rescued from the house of an ex-member of the National Assembly in Lahore on Friday. This was a statement more powerful and with far more substance than a thousand speeches put together. Her body bereft of energy, her expression clear, Shahida said she had been kept chained in a room for six months, and two of her siblings who were kept captive in the same house were also recovered on information from her. Meanwhile, the ex-MNA from Hafizabad, who belongs to a family which has remained in various political parties, has been arrested. Though we don’t have his side of the story, according to police, true to tradition, he placed the blame for the illegal confinement and torture of the captive children on a subordinate of his — the driver. Shahida is being treated at the hospital for “multiple health conditions” and her younger sister, Zubaida, has a broken wrist, the outcome of her masters’ urge to extract maximum work from her.. Initial investigation has indicated that it is a case of bonded labour and it could not immediately be known what brought about the raid leading to the recovery of the children. Politicisation of the horrifying incident later on cannot be ruled out, which is all the more reason for the police to be swift and diligent in their probe. The incident, while it demands a lot of introspection on how we treat our dependents, our children, also calls for an urgent campaign to look into the forbidden territory where domestic servants exist at the mercy of their employers and, worse, those who are no less than modern-day slave masters. If Shahida’s cry of anguish cannot move the people and them, nothing ever will.
Worse to come: Oil price hike IF Saturday’s hike in oil prices was considered steep, we may be in for a bigger surprise in the weeks to come. Going forward, resurging global crude oil market and the weakening rupee are projected to bring more pressure on the cash-starved government to further raise domestic oil prices unless it is prepared to bear the burden in the shape of increased subsidy expenditure. Chances are that it will pass on the bill to the consumers rather than pay from its own pocket. The information minister has already indicated as much. Given the current economic conditions and financial troubles that have forced the government to borrow a staggering Rs594bn from the central bank in the first 45 days of the present financial year, it will be suicidal for it not to pass on the price rise to the consumers. It does not have much of a choice here, even if it wanted to help the people and mitigate their pain at the pump.. International crude prices have been fluctuating in recent weeks on supply disruption fears owing to the present turmoil in the Middle East. More recently, the prospects of stronger economic growth in China and the European Union have supported the market in continuing its forward march. The oil price in London, for example, has already soared by $12 a barrel — from above $102.26 to more than $114 in the last two months and is projected to touch the $120 mark soon. Market stability largely depends on how the US shapes its Syria policy. So far indications are that Washington may attack that country. If that  happens, the oil prices could go wayward. That is where the real threat to Pakistan’s fragile economy lies. While the country may survive the current surge in global oil prices, further increase could bring its meagre foreign exchange reserves under greater pressure. Although the IMF is expected to approve a loan of $6.6bn over the next few days to help Islamabad improve its reserves and address its balance-of-payment woes, the soaring oil prices could partly offset the effort to stabilise the economy and exchange rate, at least for now. Any future surge in oil prices will trigger faster price inflation and erode the purchasing power of the people, especially those in the fixed income bracket, and spawn demands for fuel subsidy. While there’s little alternative to passing on the price increase to consumers, the government must pursue governance, tax and structural reforms more vigorously and rapidly to fortify the economy and the people against any future external shock.
Tragic fall from the top: Hockey disaster THE catastrophic trend in Pakistan hockey that has seen the national team go from bad to worse during the past four years or so touched its lowest ebb last Friday. The team missed the last boat to the 2014 World Cup following their 1-2 semi-final defeat against South Korea in Ipoh, Malaysia. Pakistan arrived in Malaysia needing a mandatory title win at the Asia Cup to qualify for next year’s World Cup in the Netherlands. With three back-to-back victories in league matches, the greenshirts emerged as the favourites and looked tantalisingly poised to realise their dream. However, South Korea got the better of them in the semi-final and later went on to win the title with an emphatic win over India in the final. . For Pakistan, the ouster from the World Cup was their darkest hour, as described by some critics and ex-Olympians. Never since the inception of the mega event in 1971 has Pakistan faltered in such a way to miss the World Cup altogether. It hurts even more when one is reminded of the pivotal role Pakistan played in launching the World Cup some 42 years ago and of their tremendous record of four title wins in 1971 at Barcelona, 1978 at Buenos Aires, 1982 in Mumbai and 1994 at Sydney. Quite expectedly, the Ipoh disaster has triggered a massive uproar in the sports fraternity within the country, and the demand for the incumbent Pakistan Hockey Federation regime as well as the entire team management to step down is growing by the day. Without doubt, the shambolic state of Pakistan hockey today can be attributed to the current PHF regime whose bad policies and lack of planning saw Pakistan finishing last among 12 teams in the New Delhi World Cup in 2010 and at a lowly seventh position at the London Olympics last year. The government needs to work on a war footing to clear the hockey mess and to prevent further ignominy from coming Pakistan’s way.
Turning the page: Library culture “I HAVE always imagined that Paradise will be a kind of library,” said Argentine poet and writer Jorge Luis Borges. In Pakistan too, there was a time not so long ago when a retreat into books was deemed to be the most pleasurable of pursuits. Access to quality reading material was considered a right, and public libraries hummed with activity. But then the pace of life picked up, priorities changed. Shiny malls, smooth-as-silk motorways took centre stage as symbols of ‘progress’. Libraries lost their lustre, much of their funding and faded away in the urban sprawl. Valuable books and manuscripts rotted away in storage. . So when one hears of a library, such as the Ghalib Library in Karachi, rising from the ashes so to speak, it is with the sense of rediscovering an old friend. A report in this paper recently detailed some of the many manuscripts in its possession, including carefully preserved letters by a number of luminaries who are part of this region’s history. Besides a collection of 40,000 books, the library also boasts a number of pre-partition periodicals. Dating back to 1971, the library was in dire condition until recently and in danger of being closed down. It owes its new lease of life to a number of benefactors who, quietly and without fanfare, gave of their time and resources to oversee its refurbishment. But the Ghalib Library is an exception. Stories are legion about historic libraries unable to undertake preservation work or even basic upkeep of their collections due to shortage of funds. Meanwhile, readers’ tastes have also changed, leaning more towards career-oriented material rather than works of classical or historical merit. The reading room, where it exists at all, is a very different place today.
Questionable move: Murder charges against Musharraf PERHAPS inevitably, given the furore and great controversy surround- ing the episode, former president-cum-army chief Pervez Musharraf is to be investigated by the capital police, at the behest of the Islamabad High Court, for the murder of Abdul Rashid Ghazi and his mother in the Lal Masjid operation. Mr Musharraf has much to answer for in his years ruling this country and the Lal Masjid episode was mishandled from the start, but in this case murder charges are really a step too far. That the shrillest voices calling for murder charges against Mr Musharraf in this particular case can be heard from the religious right says much about the ideological motivation behind the demand. That is also precisely why the Lal Masjid operation remains hugely controversial: there are segments of the population that have no problem with vigilantism, kidnapping, illegal occupation of state land and sundry other crime so long as it is done in the name of religion.. Yet, there can be no room in a law-abiding, pluralistic, tolerant and rights-respecting Pakistan for the many threatening, illegal and violent acts of the Lal Masjid leadership in the months leading up to the military assault on the mosque. When memories are short, and perhaps deliberately selective, it helps to revisit the past. As 2007 rolled around, the capital was under siege from a new form of moral policing and vigilantism. From the memorable image of cane-wielding women stalking the streets of Islamabad, looking to purge it of vice as defined by them, to occupying a children’s library, from kidnapping to illegally stockpiling arms to setting up its own courts to dispense so-called Islamic justice, Islamabad, indeed the country, had never seen anything like it before. It was unacceptable and no administration could tolerate it. Something had to be done. There were clearly mistakes made in the operation against the Lal Masjid complex. For one, it took too long for the Musharraf administration to decide that the activities of the Ghazi brothers had to be shut down. Then, after that decision was taken, the failure of negotiations led to a predictable, if ill-advised and immediately unnecessary full-scale attack on the complex. Perhaps a better trained, more cautious administration would have tried less lethal tactics to evacuate the complex and get the recalcitrant core of would-be martyrs to surrender. But that still does not add up to murder charges against Mr Musharraf. Islamabad could not be allowed to succumb to the brazen vigilantism and threats of the Lal Masjid brigade.
Recovering our history: Tapes of Jinnah’s speeches MORE than six decades after the division of the subcontinent, there continue to be reminders of Pakistan’s difficult start as a new country in terms of resources. At the time of partition, for example, All India Radio was well established; but there was no broadcast station in Karachi and those in Lahore and Peshawar had no recording facilities. As a result, the many speeches delivered by various important personalities, including Mohammad Ali Jinnah, were broadcast live but Pakistan, unfortunately, had no recording of them. That the country bore this glaring absence of valuable historical record for so many decades is astounding. Thankfully, however, as a result of efforts made by former director general of the Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation, Murtaza Solangi, audio tapes bearing recordings of the speeches Jinnah delivered on June 3 and Aug 14, 1947, have been made available to Pakistan; India’s Right to Information Act was the tool that saw these pages of history see the light of day. . Mr Solangi’s perseverance deserves appreciation, and illustrates also how much can be achieved by a single interested individual. More such work is needed from other quarters as well. The Aug 11, 1947 address to the first constituent assembly of Pakistan — one that is increasingly being quoted as the shape of the country’s future is debated — remains missing from our records, for example. And it is not just Mr Jinnah’s speeches. Pakistan is fast losing track of and falling out of touch with its own history and record. Where on the one hand there have been accidents and attacks such as the fire at Radio Pakistan’s Karachi offices or the destruction of the Ziarat Residency by militants, on the other state and society in general have disregarded history and historical record. Beyond a handful of individuals and organisations, acquisition and preservation efforts are few. As Pakistan seems in danger of morphing into what many argue Jinnah was opposed to, it needs the passion of those original intentions to carry it through.
Access and exemptions: Right to information A SPEAKER at a workshop was recently quoted as calling the right to information the mother of all rights. Pakistanis have taken their time to realise this basic principle and now when they are making an effort to access information as a right, there are fears they might end up with less than what they deserve. The proposed federal Access to Information Bill 2013 is ready to be tabled in the next Senate session after it was given the ‘consensual’ stamp by a house standing committee. The media that is so central to the dissemination of information has reason to be not very pleased with the exemptions and qualifications the authors of the draft find so necessary. The discussion in the media has narrowed in on the qualifications the draft seeks to incorporate, with the term “national interests” once again generating apprehensions. And if the national interest doctrine is not a sufficient deterrent that can be invoked to deny access, there is an attempt at the outset to empower certain ministries to refuse information. One exemplary exemption that reflects the protective thinking of the framers of the law is where the meeting records of the cabinet, the Council of Common Interests and National Economic Council and their committees “that have a bearing on national security” can be kept secret from the people.. In a country so used to dealing with the people’s affairs preferably without their knowledge, the making of a right to information law leaves many in the government and assemblies uneasy. It would perhaps be too harsh to say the draft bill aims to take away more than it gives. But if it is progress, it is progress that does not conform to the common-sense standards and needs of today.
No quick fixes: Mission Karachi WITH the prime minister’s arrival in Karachi on Tuesday and the numerous meetings Nawaz Sharif attended during his time here, the broad contours of government action to restore order to the metropolis are emerging. We already knew the MQM’s demand for army action in the Sindh capital did not sit well with Mr Sharif or the PPP administration in the province. It now appears that the prime minister favours primarily tasking the Rangers with improving security in Karachi, while he was critical of the police’s performance in comments made on Wednesday. While the Rangers have been given similar tasks by previous administrations, the results have not been very encouraging. The fact remains that the police must be at the forefront of law-enforcement efforts in Karachi for long-lasting peace, which requires both capacity building as well as depoliticisation of the force.. Karachi’s problems, as Mr Sharif must have realised, are many and complex and there are no silver-bullet solutions. A range of violent crime takes place in the city, from armed muggings to extortion rackets and frequent targeted killings. In fact, the numbers speak for themselves: according to figures published in this paper, over 2,000 people were killed in the city last year. This year, nearly 1,900 have already died so far. So whatever law-enforcement mechanism is in place has certainly failed. Also, there are nebulous alliances among organised crime syndicates, religious and sectarian militants and armed wings of political parties. Hence, the state needs a holistic approach; all weak links in law enforcement — policing, intelligence, prosecution — need to be addressed. We agree with the prime minister’s assertion that there must be no rush to conduct an operation. The city’s affairs are so complicated that only well-planned action — with the federal and Sindh governments as well as the law-enforcement bodies, intelligence agencies and political actors on board — can succeed. The police and politicians have a particular role to play: there must be no political meddling in police investigations and action, and if suspects with political links are arrested parties should not pull strings to get ‘their’ people released. It will be interesting to see whether Mr Sharif flies back to Islamabad with greater understanding of the Karachi puzzle, or if he returns even more confused. In any case, one thing is clear: the success of any strategy will be in its implementation and we will remain cautious until all this noble rhetoric from our politicians and others translates into tangible results and peace in Karachi becomes a reality.
Struck hard: Wheat flour prices THE Punjab government’s decision to raise the wheat flour price to Rs39.25 per kilogram will significantly drive up food inflation hitting those who fall in the lower- to middle-income brackets particularly hard. On Tuesday, the government said it would sell its wheat stocks to the flour mills at Rs1,330 per 40kg, passing on at least part of its expenditure on procurement, storage and handling of grain to the consumers. Food and energy prices have been rising sharply for the last two months. The price hike in wheat flour, electricity and oil were most significant. While the impact of the increase in energy prices on the quality of living is yet to be determined, the surge in food prices has already added to the financial burden of ordinary people. For example, the officially fixed price of wheat flour has gone up by over 17pc since July while consumer price index inflation last month soared to 8.55pc from a year earlier. The hike in food prices, which was recorded at 10.3pc last month and was the first double-digit food inflation reading in 13 months, is the main driver of this latest inflationary round. In fact, the 18pc surge in prices of perishable food items was even more staggering. . The government argues that the weak economic fundamentals — a huge financial deficit, feeble balance-of-payment position, massive public debt, etc — that it has inherited from the previous set-up are to blame for the current price hike; it feels that until the overall economy is fixed it will not be possible to stabilise prices. It has a strong point here. The people too are ready to give it the benefit of doubt. But for how long? Chances are that the people will be disillusioned with the government sooner than later unless they see it putting some check on the rising prices and taking the needed measures to arrest a sliding economy. Procrastination may provide its political opponents with enough fodder to bring the people on to the streets.
Shattered lives: Return to Bara PEACE, it is claimed, has been restored to Bara tehsil and several important roads were reopened by the political administration over the past few weeks. How elusive normalcy remains, though, is evident from the scale of destruction. Having fled the area for fear of both militants and the efforts to quell them, hundreds of residents were desirous of returning to reclaim their lives and livelihoods. But those who have done so are witness to the aftermath of wholesale destruction: the majority of houses are badly damaged if not completely destroyed, infrastructure such as bridges and electricity pylons have been ripped out and roads are dilapidated. Markets have been flattened and a college has been blown up. The persons internally displaced from this area face an uphill climb.. Is any cohesive plan in place to rehabilitate the people and restore the infrastructure? From the example of Bara and other areas where IDPs have returned, it would appear not. This is, of course, the other half of the challenge the state faces in restoring normalcy to the country’s militancy-hit northwest — and here, too, we are seeing far from enough work. Yet equally worrying is the fear factor: the state may be technically in charge of cleared areas, but dread of the militants and their capricious decrees — such as that all men sport beards or that no phone be allowed a musical ring tone — remains. A college teacher told this newspaper that though people wanted to return to their homes, they were scared of reprisals by militants and preferred to not take women and children with them. The government will have to address the full spectrum of anxieties before people can piece together their lives shattered by a conflict that was not of their engineering.
Value of perceptions: NCA meeting THE National Command Authority, the apex nuclear oversight body, met on Thursday in what appears to be — though there was no official clarification — a quick damage-control exercise in response to revelations in The Washington Post about America’s efforts to spy on the Pakistani nuclear programme. Several points need to be made here. First, while nothing should ever be taken for granted when it comes to anything nuclear related, the doomsday scenario of Pakistan’s nuclear programme being compromised by Islamist militants is trotted out all too easily, all too often and with a glibness that seems utterly disconnected from the reality of the many steps taken to ensure the safety and security of the nuclear deterrent. Yes, Pakistan has a terrorism problem, a deep and pervasive one, but that does not automatically equate to the country’s nuclear assets being vulnerable to theft or attack.. Now to the issue of what the NCA meeting was about. To the public and the outside world, a calm and reassuring message has been sent: the nuclear assets are safe and secure and the guardians of the programme are vigilant and alert. That is a sensible and mature response, in keeping with the state’s attempts — ever since the AQ Khan saga erupted — to project confidence while also being suitably cautious, sober and grounded in reality. While cold, hard facts are of utmost importance, when it comes to all things nuclear, perceptions are also relevant. A world that looks at Pakistan and dreads nuclear paraphernalia mixing with the severe terrorism and militancy problem here needs to be recognised — and is a perception that slowly and methodically needs to be rolled back, if Pakistan’s standing in the international community is to be improved. There was nothing intrinsically new about the threat assessments underlying the massive surveillance and intel-ligence-gathering effort by the US that The Washington Post has revealed. What they do confirm, however, is that the country’s leadership cannot be blithe or dismissive about the international community’s fears when it comes to Pakistan’s nuclear assets. There was, though, another aspect to yesterday’s meeting: the first-ever articulation from the NCA platform of “full spectrum deterrence capability”, a military doctrine developed in recent years that envisages a role for tactical nuclear weapons to plug the gap between conventional and strategic deterrence. That is significant, and raises two questions. One, does the theoretically civilian-led NCA understand the implications for national security strategy? Two, has anyone thought to question the Strategic Plans Division assumptions that underlie “full spectrum deterrence capability”? To neither question does there appear to be a reassuring answer.
Limited opportunity: Approval of IMF loan PAKISTAN’S relationship with the IMF cannot be understood without recognising the changing role played by the US — the most dominant country on the Fund’s board with almost 17 per cent of the voting share. It, therefore, isn’t surprising that the fluctuating ties of Islamabad with Washington have had strong bearing on Pakistan’s dealings with the IMF in the past, especially since the 1980s. So, it is not without justification that some see Washington’s desire to forestall any kind of instability in the nuclear-armed Pakistan, at least in the near future as the West prepares to exit the strife-ridden Afghanistan next year, behind the Fund’s approval of a $6.6bn loan on softer-than-usual conditions. Others argue that the world actually wants to help us fix our faltering economy. In these persons’ view, we’re ‘too big an economy’ to be allowed to fail. Reality could lie in a mix of both the factors.. Whatever the reason for the IMF to step forward to help us, it will not give the much-needed dollars for free. The loan disbursement plan has been structured in such a way so as to compel the government to take politically tough decisions such as raising energy prices, restructuring public-sector businesses, broadening the country’s tax base, reducing the budget deficit, and removing impediments to growth such as power and gas shortages. Progress on mutually agreed governance, financial and structural reforms will be reviewed each quarter and future loan disbursement will depend on Pakistan’s compliance with the Fund’s conditions. Implementation of the loan’s conditions will also be necessary to receive more money, even if on much softer terms, from other international lenders to shore up falling reserves and match future debt payments. If anyone amongst the managers of our economy thinks that we can again run away with lenders’ dollars without executing the reforms, he is badly mistaken. The world may be helping Pakistan because of its geopolitical nuisance-value. But it isn’t going to continue to do so unless we also clean up our mess.
Nihari politics: Diplomacy with a difference HOW heartening that notwithstanding the cut and thrust that is characteristic of politics in Pakistan, there yet remains room for old-school gestures. It had been just a day since the MQM had expressed unhappiness over the fact that the government, having invited the party’s Dr Farooq Sattar to an important meeting of the federal cabinet at the Governor’s House in Karachi, withdrew its invitation. Not many would have been surprised, perhaps, had the MQM decided that this was an affront. While there may or may not be further movement on that point, on Wednesday MQM Senator Babar Ghori sent lunch for Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif as he prepared to chair the meeting. While the unkind may choose to find something sinister in the gesture — the dishes on offer included high-calorie and high-cholesterol favourites such as nihari and haleem — it would no doubt have gladdened the premier, who is known to be something of a gourmand and is not above having in-depth discussions about recipes with his chefs.. Food is quite a common currency through which relations and diplomacy are conducted. The size of the box of mithai presented on Eid can make or break a relationship, and many a snub has been delivered through the simple means of offering a vegetarian table in this country of meat-lovers. Keeping the ship of state sailing must of necessity be underpinned by more prosaic requirements, and this is all to the benefit of the workers of the catering industry. At the very least, the idea of the corridors of Governor House filling up with the mouth-watering scent of nihari just as the cabinet prepares to take on the conundrum of Karachi is enticing; we can only hope it didn’t leave the cabinet members in need of a siesta.
The mystery persists: Missing containers THE recent denial from the US embassy that 19,000 Nato/Isaf containers had gone missing from Karachi has added to an already brewing controversy. The initial disclosure that came last week was startling enough. The previous Friday, the media quoted the DG Rangers (who has not issued a denial) as telling the Supreme Court that thousands of containers had gone missing. These numbers were large and startling enough to make a good headline — so good that few media men pointed out that this appeared to be but a passing remark along with a longer account of how a shipload of weapons had been brought to Karachi, the whereabouts of which were never ascertained. Interestingly, in the court order issued the same day, the focus too was on the shipload that the DG said went missing; there was no reference to the containers. And the one-man commission that the court set up to investigate the matter has also been ordered to inquire into the smuggling of weapons through ships; the shipload alleged to have gone missing; and the collection of customs duty at the Karachi and Bin Qasim ports.. Now that the US embassy has issued a denial (followed by an even stronger one by the MQM), it is perhaps time to remind ourselves of the importance of context or the larger picture, so that there is no confusion when assessing remarks. This is especially true for high-profile court cases where it is, at times, difficult to distinguish between passing remarks made in the courtroom and formal statements submitted by high-ranking officials on behalf of the departments they represent. For the sake of clarity, coverage should focus on the official exchange rather than random remarks. But, now that this confusion has been created, perhaps it would help if the DG Rangers set about clarifying matters. He must explain what he originally said; why he said it; what information and intelligence led him to assert that thousands of containers had gone missing; and what kind of containers, commercial or otherwise, he had in mind. Karachi is a complex and sensitive issue, especially now that the federal government has made clear its intention to address the violence within the city. Against this background, any statements by any intelligence or law-enforcement personnel about weapons being smuggled into the city and under the watch of specific politicians can be and are seen as loaded and biased ones. This is hardly the message that needs to be sent out at present.
Bizarre refusal of help: Dengue alert in Sindh WHILE dengue has recently claimed its 11th victim in Sindh this year, no effective vector-control drive has been launched in the province, especially in Karachi, which is most vulnerable to the disease. What is even more bizarre is that Sindh’s health authorities have turned down Punjab’s offer to help deal with dengue. Around 1,000 cases have been reported in Sindh so far, the vast majority in Karachi. Local health officials have shortlisted several city localities as ‘vulnerable’, yet no visible fumigation drives have been carried out in most of these areas.. Punjab has done commendable work in containing dengue; while the epidemic of 2011 saw thousands infected by the vector-borne disease and over 200 fatalities, this year only 71 cases have been reported in the province so far. What is more, Punjab has sent experts to help the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government battle dengue as Swat district has reported around 2,000 cases. That’s the way it should work: if one province lacks the capacity or expertise to deal with a major public health threat, it is only logical to seek help from those who have experience in dealing with such situations. It should be remembered that Sri Lankan experts offered crucial help to the Punjab administration in 2011 to deal with the dengue threat. This fact has been acknowledged by the provincial government. Hence it wouldn’t hurt for Sindh’s health officials to compare notes with their counterparts in Punjab to learn from their experience in order to save lives. We certainly hope there are no political reasons for turning down Punjab’s offer. Politics should have no role to play in issues as critical as public health. The KP and Punjab governments have cooperated in this regard despite being headed by different parties. Authorities in KP and Sindh need to step up their efforts to tackle dengue before it turns into another epidemic. Vector-control efforts and campaigns informing the public about safety precautions must be vital components of the anti-dengue drive.
A new tactic School security THE security forces’ efforts against terrorist activity in the north- western parts of the country have borne little fruit as far as the militants’ hostility towards education, particularly for girls, is concerned. Even in areas under control of the state, schools and colleges continue to be bombed. Now, there are signs that a worrying new trend might be developing. So far, attacks on educational institutions have largely taken place when the buildings were empty, undoubtedly in order to raise fear amon-gst pupils, parents and teachers while causing maximum harm to infrastructure. But on Thursday, a 10kg bomb was planted outside a Bannu school and detonated when students were leaving as classes ended. It is a matter of good fortune that no one was killed, but the attack left 16 people injured, 13 of them schoolgirls. If the parents of these young women think twice before sending them to school in the coming days, it is difficult not to empathise. The imperative to be educated must necessarily come second to the imperative to stay alive.. It is pointless to lament the militants’ savagery, but this should serve as a wake-up call for the PTI-led provincial government. It has in recent weeks raised the matter of education on several occasions, giving out assurances that this sector is at the top of the administration’s priority list and pledging to carry out curriculum reform. But any success in this area will be meaningless if school attendances start falling because families are worried about the safety of their children. The new order in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa needs to start recognising the extent of damage, real and psychological, that the province has borne and that it continues to suffer. Much more attention needs to be paid to improving security at schools.
Columns and Articles
A narrow agenda By Muhammad Amir Rana IT appears the prime minister’s revised offer of talks to the militants in his first address to the nation accentuated the existing differences among the latter on how to respond.. This was demonstrated by the conflicting responses from Asmatullah Muawiya, commander of the so-called Punjabi Taliban, and Shahidullah Shahid, the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) spokesman. It remains to be seen whether the government is consciously trying to create rifts or it is a natural outcome of the negotiation process. Some media reports indicate that Muawiya’s faction of the Punjabi Taliban and some other militant groups are willing to engage in talks. Assessing the extent of rift within the Taliban ranks in the context of negotiations is thus important. First, let’s see what is happening on the ground. Media reports and sources privy to emerging developments suggested that the government had already established indirect communication with different factions of the Taliban with the help of religious scholars and tribal elders, although the TTP has since denied this. Before the denial, indications were that these scholars and elders had won the confidence of the Afghan Taliban and Haqqani network before initiating the peace process. The TTP’s core leadership, led by Hakeemullah Mehsud, is still reluctant to engage in peace talks. The Swat, Darra Adam Khel and Mohmand Agency chapters of the TTP will go with Mehsud. That implies Hakeemullah Mehsud still holds the key to peace talks. But the emerging divergent views from within the umbrella organisation of the TTP have impacted the group’s militant operations as it was largely dependent on the Punjabi Taliban for its operations in the Punjab and Islamabad area. There are also reports that pro-talks elements within the Taliban ranks are trying to revive the Shura-i-Murakeba, which was formed to resolve internal differences. Initiated and brokered by Al Qaeda, the shura served as an alliance of sorts for the Haqqanis, the Mehsud-led TTP and Taliban groups led by Hafiz Gul Bahadur and Mullah Nazir. It played an important role in resolving the differences within the TTP and in keeping the group united. The shura had become almost non-functional after the killing of Taliban commanders Mullah Nazir and Waliur Rehman Mehsud in two separate drone strikes. The purpose behind reviving the shura is to bring together all Taliban groups within and outside the fold of the TTP on a single platform to develop consensus on peace talks with the government. It is yet too early to predict the success or failure of this initiative. It is, however, somehow foreseeable what they could demand from the government if all Taliban groups come under one umbrella and do away with the government’s ‘quandary’ of who it should talk to. The militants’ previous charter of demand, which was released last year, included conditions of non-interference from Pakistan in the Afghan war and constitutional and foreign policy reforms in line with the precepts of the Quran and Sunnah. The militants also demanded that Pakistan refocus on the war of ‘revenge’ against India. Interestingly, these demands were presented by Muawiya and endorsed by the TTP’s top leadership. In the current scenario, according to some media reports, Taliban groups are emphasising a general amnesty for Taliban militants, release of their prisoners and non-interference in their affairs with foreign militants and engagement in Afghanistan. The government demands are for the Taliban to detach themselves from sectarian organisations like the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi and elimination of militant operations inside Pakistan. If it is correct and the government is pursuing this narrow agenda, it throws up a lot of questions. This approach will not lead to a permanent solution even if it provides temporary respite from terrorist attacks. Instead, the focus should be on dismantling and neutralising the militant groups and reintegration of the militants into society. This objective can be achieved through a well-crafted and vigilantly designed negotiation policy, which would not only cover internal security issues but also the regional, ideological and political aspects of the larger question of national security. The lesson that the government should learn from the best practices of negotiations with non-state actors across the world is that this process should be a long one otherwise militants will continue to challenge the government. Apart from the conditions put forth by both sides, if the government plan is to weaken the terrorists while triggering internal differences, the chances of success of such a strategy would depend on the terrorists’ internal mechanism to counter the attempt. So far they have remained attentive on that front and have foiled most such endeavours, including the attempt at exploiting differences among Hakeemullah Mehsud and Maulvi Faqir Muhammad, the head of TTP’s Bajaur chapter, Waliur Rehman and other small commanders of the Kurram and Khyber agencies. As mentioned earlier, the Shura-i-Murakeba was formed for this purpose. Though the motives of revival of the shura are different this time, this attempt could see the coming together once again of groups that have recently revealed rifts among themselves. Even if the government succeeds in creating rifts among militants, it would only provide temporary relief on the security front and give the government more time to evolve a better counterterrorism mechanism. But how will the government handle and deal with militant groups that detach themselves from the TTP? Would they be allowed to launch their militant campaigns from Pakistani soil against other countries, as in the case of the Uzbek and Tajik militants that have become a liability for Afghanistan and Pakistan? At every step, the government will have to face many dilemmas. Success on the counterterrorism front will depend on how it responds to these challenges. Ignoring valid questions can prove devastating. At least this is one lesson that the new government should learn from previous governments’ counterterrorism practices. The writer is a security analyst.
Blundering into Syria By Munir Akram THE US, together with a ‘coalition of the willing’, appears on the verge of launching air strikes against the military assets of Syria’s president, Bashar al-Assad.. The declared purpose is to punish Assad’s alleged use of chemical weapons (CW), deter their future use and degrade the Syrian army’s CW stocks and, most likely, also its conventional military capabilities. Such strikes, especially if undertaken without world support, will be a major strategic mistake. Under the UN Charter, the use of force is allowed only in self-defence or, collectively, when authorised by the UN Security Council. Neither of these two preconditions are present in the Syrian situation to justify military strikes by the US or its allies. To be sure, the use of chemical weapons is a serious violation of international law and can be considered a “crime against humanity and a war crime”. Neither the 1925 Geneva Convention, prohibiting the use of chemical weapons, nor the Chemical Weapons Convention, authorises the unilateral use of force to punish or deter the use of chemical weapons or to degrade the CW stocks of the perpetrator or his other military assets. Even where CW use is established, the authority to sanction penalties rests with the UN Security Council. So far, US intelligence’s evidence of the alleged use of CW by Assad’s forces, denied by Damascus, has not been provided to the international community or the Security Council. Unless such verification conclusively proves the charge, the Security Council is unlikely to authorise penalties. In any case, following the misuse by Western powers of Security Council resolutions on Libya to conduct expanded air strikes, Russia is unlikely to agree to any resolution that could be construed to justify the use of force against Syria. Without such Council authorisation, any unilateral use of force will be illegal, various arguments to the contrary notwithstanding. The proposed air strikes are being triggered by President Obama’s past declarations that the use of chemical weapons by Syria would oblige the US to retaliate militarily. In fact, this arbitrary ‘red line’ was designed to deflect earlier calls for US military support to the opposition forces. All the good reasons that have held back US intervention are still applicable. US military action is being contemplated now mainly to preserve President Obama’s ‘credibility’. This is a tenuous political rationale to commit an anticipated strategic blunder. The Russian foreign minister has argued that CW use may well have been stage-managed by the opposition to trigger US military strikes. The reported ‘deal’ for the planned attacks, proposed by the US to Russia and other permanent members of the Security Council, displays both naiveté and cynicism. Evidently, the air strikes would target Assad’s military assets but not seek ‘regime change’. If these strikes are limited in scope and duration, they will fail to serve the opposition’s objective of equalising the military power of the warring forces in Syria. If, however, the strikes are significant, extending to the imposition of a ‘no fly zone’ and the elimination of Syria’s air force and air defence systems, the US will be fully engaged in the Syrian conflict to change the power balance and facilitate Assad’s military defeat. If the US and a ‘coalition of the willing’ do succeed in enhancing the opposition’s chances against Assad’s forces, the most likely beneficiaries will be Al Qaeda-affiliated factions within the opposition, evidently the most effective among those fighting the regime. In any event, US air strikes, whether limited or extensive, will provoke a strong response from Assad’s allies. Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei, has already warned that the US will meet the same consequences as in Iraq and Afghanistan. While Western support to the opposition will be limited to air strikes, and perhaps enlarged weapons supplies, Iran will be able to justify significant and overt support to Assad’s forces. Such support will be ‘on the ground’ and thus more meaningful than air strikes. If the balance on the battlefield tilts further in favour of Damascus, despite the air strikes, or if military engagement results in American and European casualties, the US and its allies will come under internal pressure to widen their involvement. America could be sucked into this conflict. Even if this is avoided, external intervention will serve to escalate the intensity and scope of the conflict. The Assad regime will launch larger attacks on opposition strongholds with even less regard for civilian casualties. Even after Western air strikes, its arsenal, refurbished by its allies, will not lack weapons to match the opposition’s capabilities. The fragile prospects of a political solution in Syria, under the so-called Geneva 2 process, will be extinguished. Both Assad and the opposition will have lesser incentives to come to the negotiating table. Russia will not be able to counsel compromise to Assad. Syria’s division into warring regions and cities is likely to become permanent. Inevitably, Syria’s neighbours will feel the blowback. From Lebanon, Hezbollah would be more open in supporting Assad while some of the Sunni groups aid the opposition. The coalition in Beirut may collapse and Lebanon become engulfed in another civil war. Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan’s vocal support for the Syrian opposition has already angered secular Turks and exacerbated the alienation of Turkey’s Kurds and Alawites. Turkey’s policy of ‘peace with all neighbours’ is falling apart. Iran’s more vigorous support for Assad could extinguish the hope aroused by President Hassan Rouhani’s election for a negotiated solution to the nuclear issue. The contest for regional influence between Turkey and the Gulf states versus Iran, Iraq and Syria will intensify as will the Sunni-Shia divide within the Muslim world. Hopefully, the US and its allies will accept the UN secretary general’s appeal “to give peace a chance”. The process of UN inspections and the requirement, under international law, for a UN Security Council mandate for military action, provide a safety valve that must be availed of to prevent another lit match thrown into the West Asian powder keg. The writer is a former Pakistan ambassador to the UN.
Ninety days By Cyril Almeida QUESTION: what does it take to miss a PPP government? Answer: a PML-N government.. Ninety days was a false construct, a sexy, snappy number that deliberately missed the point: these are the first assemblies to begin their terms more confident they will complete them than not. Somehow, though, 90 days became a false landmark. And 90 days later, some old truths have begun to reveal themselves again. In truth, it’s difficult to miss the last PPP government. It’s one thing to be incompetent, another to be corrupt and something else altogether to be corrupt and incompetent at the same time — a combination the last government had seemingly perfected. But the PPP is also like an unruly child: angered as you are by their actions, scared as you are for everyone’s safety, you can’t quite stay mad at them. It’s not like they can be anything but themselves, can they? The incompetence in government, though, has a fascinating flipside: the PPP kills it in opposition. Just look at them — Raza Rabbani and Khursheed Shah — tearing great chunks out of the government with their slashing comments and cutting questions. They’re alert, they’re masters of parliamentary rules and convention, they never let an opportunity go, and they’re always on the hunt for something to hurt the government with. Even when someone inconsequential from the provincial field in Sindh pipes up now in the media, you can’t help but smile. The PPP has got its mojo back. A ragtag, happy-go-lucky sort, nothing suits the PPP more than being freed of the burden of governance. Sure, they’re still in control of rural Sindh, but does anyone really think that place can be rescued with even the best government in the world? Not in our lifetimes — which, luckily for the PPP, means they get a free pass at home. Governing brings out the worst in the PPP. Often, they don’t even know that they don’t know — cluelessness taken to another level. But chuck them to the other side of the aisle and, suddenly, it’s like a completely different PPP. Or the same PPP, just with its better side on display. The PML-N? Ponderous in opposition, ponderous in government — it’s pretty much the same, except the spotlight is bigger and more intense when you cross the aisle. The N-League’s problem, one of them at least, is that they’re just not very good at explaining themselves. Or anything they’re doing. Or anything they’re thinking of doing. Take this business of the death penalty. The N-League wanted to reverse the PPP’s moratorium on the death penalty. Good idea or bad idea, the reasoning may be of little relevance to the miserable chaps sitting on death row who suddenly realise they may be marched to the gallows after all, but to the rest of us, in whose name the state wants to go back to executing convicts, reasons do matter. Except the PML-N made no attempt to explain it. Was it populist bloodlust, the PML-N pandering to its religiously conservative base? Does Nawaz think the death penalty is a deterrent, in addition to being a religious obligation? Is it a first step towards a planned reinvigoration of the Islamising process? Who knows. All we got was a notification that the moratorium is to be ended. And so, instead of angering or alienating or alarming possibly just one segment of the population, the PML-N ended up agitating everyone. The businessmen came calling: umm, this may screw up our export plans; some of the Western markets are rather squeamish about executions and the like. The TTP came knocking: hang on, we’ll go to the afterlife and all the goodness it has to offer when we want to, not when you tell us. The human rights folk and the small but vocal — and yes, powerful — liberal, secular constituency were up in arms: monsters! You can’t drag us back into the dark ages! Who knows, had the PML-N gone to the floor of parliament and articulated the reinstatement of the death penalty as part of its religiously conservative identity, the TTP may have been less ferocious in its threats — when Islam meets Islam, a gentleman’s agreement is often sought. Of course, you suspect the TTP would still threaten — the code of ‘no one gets left behind’ is a terrific recruiting and cadre-galvanising trick — but then the PML-N could have earned brownie points with its political base: look at Mian sahib, he is truly the lion of Punjab, bows to no one, the crowd may have murmured appreciatively. Or if — a remote if — the death-penalty threat was just leverage to get the TTP talking, then a signal to the businessmen would have been helpful. Because then the businessmen would be thinking: a few more exports lost versus the possibility of the hellish internal security being fixed. But none of that happened. And even now, an about-turn on the U-turn that may or may not be reversed again, nobody knows just what the PML-N is up to. Which leaves the possibility that maybe the PML-N itself doesn’t know. Question: what does it take to miss a PPP government? Answer: a PML-N government. Does the PML-N care? Not really. For there is an all-important, be-all-and-end-all, fundamental difference: the N-League continues to win — elections, that is. Huff and puff, scream or yell, implore or deplore, go blue in the face — as long as the PML-N has its folksy, seemingly guileless, guy-next-door leader, Nawaz, who the Punjabi voter adores, the party is OK with the critics having a go at it. A government that knows how to win and an opposition that knows how to oppose — not really the best of any world, but it’s only been 90 days. A few 90s more and we’ll all know more. The writer is a member of staff. Twitter: @cyalm cyril.a@gmail.com
Architects of destruction By Hajrah Mumtaz WATCHING the cacophony that is telecast on television every day, it is easy to condemn Pakistan’s electronic media for being too boisterous.. That may be the case, but it really is quite remarkable how far the country’s media industry has come in a little over a decade. Most people think of the Ziaul Haq era as the days when public discourse was the most tightly controlled, when journalists were flogged and the impunity with which they continue to be targeted even today became entrenched. And this is largely true. Two days after the imposition of the Zia martial law, on July 7, 1977, press guidelines were issued that included “no criticism of the armed forces; no item to be published that is likely to bring the armed forces into disrepute; no publication of unauthorised news about the armed forces, only Inter-Services Public Relations and information ministry press releases to be used”. Zia used to boast of his control over the media. At one time, several journalists were dismissed for signing a petition for the restoration of democracy. Chronicler Zamir Niazi quotes Zia in Web of Censorship as saying that “You say that the punishment to the 10 NPT [National Press Trust] journalists is too much. It is too little. They should have been hung upside down. They must learn a lesson”. And on another occasion, “I could close down all newspapers, say, for a period of five years, and nobody would be in a position to raise any voice against it. If they try to organise a meeting or a procession, I will send them to jail”. This was a time when Pakistan’s journalists truly suffered trial by fire. Anything that was to be published had to be submitted to being ‘pre-censored’, and entire items were often axed by the censors. Newspapers tried to resist by leaving a blank space where the article should have gone; the government reacted by banning blank spaces altogether. Finally, the truth itself was declared illegal: amendments to the 1860 Law of Libel (Sections 499 and 500 of the Pakistan Penal Code) banned the publication of material “against any person, even if it is true and even if it is in the public interest” [emphasis added], as recorded by Zamir Niazi. In 1978, a military summary court sentenced four journalists to be flogged, the sentence on three of them being executed just 70 minutes after the judgement was passed. A picture of that shameful page in history hangs in Dawn’s Karachi offices, and offers some perspective when, on moments such as Mohammad Sikandar’s siege in Islamabad a couple of weeks ago, newsmen decried state high-handedness. But the history of press censorship in Pakistan goes far beyond that. There was a day in 1958, Dec 25 — the birthday of the Mohammad Ali Jinnah — when the then editor of this newspaper, Altaf Husain, obviously came under tremendous pressure to toe the government’s line. The editorial used to be printed on the front page then, and this space for that day is blank with a handwritten note at the bottom: “When the truth cannot be freely spoken, and patriotism is held almost a crime, this editorial space is left blank on the Quaid-i-Azam’s birthday to speak more eloquently than words.” The rest of the page is devoted exclusively to Jinnah. Press freedoms in Pakistan have been hard won. And freedom, we do have. There are few sacred cows left in these terms anymore, with even the army, the ISI and the military’s role in helping Pakistan reach the current juncture coming, in recent years, under fierce debate. What has been openly discussed in the wake of Osama bin Laden being discovered in Abbottabad, for example, was unthinkable earlier. For a while it seemed that practically the only ‘no-no’ left was the judiciary, but that too seems to be changing. (One could argue that there is still no meaningful debate in the media about many issues but I feel that this is less because of censorship and more because of media persons’ growing limitations of imagination and clear-thinking.) Part of the credit for this general atmosphere of openness, it must be said, goes to the earlier PPP-led government, which on the whole did not try to clamp down on the press too much (For the record, though, voices continue to be raised in parliament and elsewhere that the press must be controlled, and journalists do continue to be targeted with impunity.) Which course the PML-N government will adopt remains to be seen. The Pakistan press’s freedom becomes all the more remarkable when compared to several other developing countries. In Sri Lanka, for example, there is extremely tight governmental control over what journalists can say about its suppression of the Tamils. And in India, for all the vociferousness apparent in the media, there seems to be a limit to how far the media (in general, barring a few exceptions) goes in its criticism of the state, an example being the case of the Naxalite movement. It is in this context that the media industry’s not infrequent acts of irresponsibility become all the more saddening, a glaring recent example being the Mohammad Sikandar affair. There are constantly elements within state and society that try to censor discourse, as was seen only last week when the Balochistan government tried to bring charges against a television channel for having set the record straight about how the attack on the Ziarat Residency played out. Conversely, irresponsible behaviour on part of the media will only lend credence to the argument for tighter control. At every step, journalists must ask themselves, are they doing anything that might lead to them being the architects of their own industry’s destruction? The writer is a member of staff. hajrahmumtaz@gmail.com
Angry impotence By Babar Sattar FIRST YouTube was banned. Now it’s late night telephone packages. What is next? Music, for it gives the impressionable all kinds of crazy ideas about love and idealism? Poetry, which incites the emotions of the young if it is of the romantic variety, or worse still, encourages dissent and revolt against the status quo if it is the serious stuff written by Faiz or Faraz? . Why not ban critical speech and writing altogether, being mischief that can scandalise revered institutions, individuals and traditions? What kind of a state and society have we become where our response to criticism and demand for change is to put fetters on speech and thought? If you criticise the national security policy, the manner in which the army and the intelligence agencies conduct themselves or demand that generals be held accountable when found wanting, must you be seen as a paid foreign agent undermining the last institution of stability holding Pakistan together? If you criticise the conduct of judges or their decisions, must you fear being seen as scandalising the court, settling a personal grudge or having sold yourself out? Is the concept of an honestly held critical view incomprehensible? Are you not told as a youth struggling to understand the truth about your religion that deference to God mandates that you don’t ask too many questions? If you are a rabble-rouser, are you not counselled that our religion requires that those in authority be obeyed and that arguing with elders, even logically, is disrespectful? What kind of values are we fostering in this society when we prefer deference to independence, acquiescence to difference of opinion, conformity to intellectual rigour and challenge, regression to new ideas, personal loyalty to considerations of merit, flattery to excellence? What will be the character of leaders groomed in an environment where discretion is the better part of valour, honour is a product of success, and success demands that you hedge risks as opposed to standing up to fight for principle? Is it surprising that we don’t find inventors, poets, philosophers and artists blossoming in this culture of intimidation, fear and intellectual stagnation? If we condemn new ideas as sources of mischief on our dinner table instead of debating their pros and cons and emphasising to our kids the need to strike the right balance between tradition and change, and society continues to reinforce the same message during academic and professional life, will thought-leaders emerge out of nowhere? Emily Bronte wrote Wuthering Heights when she was 29. Jane Austen was 21 when she completed the manuscript of First Impressions, later revised and published as Pride and Prejudice. Frank Kafka was 29 when he wrote The Judgement. Shakespeare was not 30 when he wrote Comedy of Errors. One can go through the list of some of the greatest inventors and find a similar age pattern. Most of the creativity that has changed this world and made it a better place has been a product of younger, imaginative minds unadulterated by fear, tradition and notions of expediency. There is general consensus that our institutions and our society are in a state of decline. If in doubt, read the judgements authored back in the 1960s and ‘70s and then those being written today, compare the file notes penned by bureaucrats in the past with the contemporary ones, contrast the culture projected in biographies of retired soldiers with that prevalent today. Exceptions aside, this is no false reverence for the past. The quality of our education and our character have degenerated and we are intent on leaving no space for new ideas, dissenting voices and reform. The freedoms of information, thought and expression are intertwined rights that nourish the soul and the conscience. Victor Hugo had said that “nothing is as powerful as an idea whose time has come”. What about the interregnum between the floating of an idea and its becoming powerful? Is this not why the right to free speech aims to protect both popular and unpopular speech? In 1896 the US Supreme Court condoned racial segregation in Plessy v. Ferguson under the doctrine of ‘separate but equal’. In 1954 the same court outlawed it in the celebrated case of Brown v. Board of Education. How did the legal and moral concepts of equality and its application undergo a transformation in a 60-year period? PCO was not a pejorative term back in 2000. But in 2009 our society vindicated those who were criticising it from the very beginning. Should early critics of PCO judges have been locked up for scandalising the judiciary? That criticism and change can be unpleasant is understandable. But they are imperative for the health and progress of a society and must be accommodated. The moral panic created by the technological revolution we are witnessing in this age of information is not unique to Pakistan, but has confused the West as well. It is just that our response to challenges posed by modernity and change has been to shun them altogether and pledge to ride camels and write letters and live the way first Muslims did 1,400 years back. Our older generation watched porn in magazines, ours did so through videos and the younger generation has the internet. Porn will not die out nor will the initial curiosity of the youth. Banning magazines altogether was not a solution yesterday, and shutting the internet is not the answer today. Even though the medium might have changed, the need to supervise kids, reason with them and groom them hasn’t. But none of this makes the state suddenly responsible for guarding the moral virtue of all adult citizens. And if we have decided as a state and society that rotten traditions must be perpetuated, criticism and change must be penalised, and law must be used to inject reverence and morality into the ordinary Pakistani, let’s forget about YouTube, grow beards, and join hands with the Taliban. We probably have more in common than we realise. The writer is a lawyer. sattar@post.harvard.edu
Performance so far By Moeed Yusuf WHEN the PML-N emerged victorious in the May 2013 elections, there was a general sense that it would be able to ensure happier times for Pakistanis. . Yet in the run-up to the 100-day mark, the government is already under fire from pundits filling press columns with concerns and dismay at the Sharif clique’s performance. Some of the criticism is unfair. For one, there were unrealistic expectations associated with the incoming set-up. Judging output against these lofty benchmarks is bound to make the government look bad. Three months is also not nearly long enough a period to warrant a definitive verdict on the government’s failure to cope with the challenges. In reality, the current set-up is already proving to be more determined and focused than the previous PPP-led government. A successful budget immediately after taking office, the fresh IMF deal with follow-up to meet its conditionalities, an energy policy, and a focus on regional engagement with India and Afghanistan are all commendable developments. That said, when noted voices from across the intellectual divide begin to question the efficacy of the government, it calls for a moment of reflection in the corridors of power. Many have examined threadbare the PML-N’s policy decisions in the first 90 days. What worries me, however, are not the decisions that have been taken but the very many that are pending. Even on a number of key priority issues, the prime minister and his relevant team members have failed to set the direction by making the much needed tough calls. Let me flag what are perhaps the government’s three top most priorities apart from energy: Balochistan; terrorism; and the civil-military dynamic. On Balochistan, the prime minister justifiably made a big deal about his determination to course correct. His first major move — the appointment of Mr Abdul Malik Baloch as chief minister — was widely praised. But politics seems to have gotten in the way since. Prime example: Balochistan has been operating without a cabinet. Mr Baloch says the prime minister hasn’t had time to attend to the issue. What? The largest province of the country is engulfed by a secessionist movement and the prime minister can’t find time to work out the political differences that are holding up the appointments? Other press reports suggest that there are disagreements and bickering over who will get the most important and lucrative ministries. But if concerns about appeasing loyalists are going to lead to indecision and hold the province’s future hostage, this is hardly any different than what the PPP government was so relentlessly criticised for. Next: terrorism. While the broad contours of the counterterrorism policy have been announced, there still isn’t a holistic policy document in hand. We are told that the all-parties conference (APC) hurdle is to be passed before the government’s vision can be formally adopted. At one level it is commendable to see the government trying to forge consensus positions. On the other hand, this APC business is becoming an excuse for inaction. Of course, the opposition must share the blame; save the MQM’s effort to produce its blueprint for a counterterrorism policy, the opposition parties seem more interested in point-scoring than providing any tangible inputs in the policy formulation process. Nonetheless, the buck stops with the prime minister. He needs to stamp his approval and order a move on. If the policy begins to deliver, those who don’t sign on will do so at their own peril. I also wonder whether some of the ideas shared as part of the counterterrorism policy will ever go beyond words. Consider the case of the National Counter Terrorism Authority. In the new policy, Nacta is supposed to be the focal point for all things counterterrorism at the conceptual level. Good news. But if there was seriousness about the body’s role, shouldn’t there have been some indication of a desire to revitalise it? What is stopping the government from moving in this direction already? The reality is that Nacta remains impotent, with its chairmanship being treated as no more than a parking spot for in-waiting or retiring officers. The same old debates about who should control the body and under what mandate continue. Substantive issues lag behind. We have seen all of this play out before. The end result was a Nacta in name, period. Finally, on the civil-military dynamic, ideas to reorganise the Defence Committee of the Cabinet and revive the National Security Council among others are positive ones. At the same time, however, a number of decisions (or lack thereof) suggest insecurity on the government’s part. The propensity to leave key ministerial and ambassadorial slots vacant is one example. Take the defence ministry or for that matter the post of ambassador to the US. The argument goes that by keeping the defence ministry, the prime minister can better control all things military. And in Washington, he wants someone who’ll do the civilians’ bidding, not the military’s — it’s just about finding the right person. The logic is misplaced. The civil-military imbalance flows from a number of structural problems. If anything, a truly empowered defense minister who understands the military business can begin to check the military’s excesses far more effectively than feel-good choices that entail hogging portfolios. As for the ambassador in Washington, the nature of the bilateral relationship dictates that a successful candidate must be one that can work across the civilian and military divide. A loyalist may create a false sense of comfort. It won’t work however — neither for Sharif, nor for the cause of civil-military rebalancing. Prime Minister Sharif’s dilemmas won’t be resolved by ignoring them. He must urgently take the pending decisions, trust those he anoints to do the job, and judge them based on their performance. Inaction is neither strategically tenable nor will it prove to be politically expedient in the long run. The writer is South Asia adviser at the US Institute of Peace, Washington, D.C.
Urbanisation: the big picture By Anjum Altaf ANYONE wanting to understand urbanisation needs to get past two major misunderstandings. ANYONE wanting to understand urbanisation needs to get past two major misunderstandings. . First, urbanisation is not about individual cities — neither solving their problems nor enhancing their potential for growth. The end result of urbanisation is indeed an increase in the population of cities but the term itself refers to the movement of people from rural to urban locations. But which urban locations do (or should) people move to? That is a more important question. What are the choices that exist and what determines the attractiveness of one location over another? Should public policy attempt to influence the spatial distribution of population by altering the attractiveness of different types of locations? Second, the pattern of urbanisation is not predetermined. People move primarily to seek work and therefore any change in the distribution of employment opportunities should alter the pattern of migration. Different industrial or economic policies should lead to different patterns of urbanisation. For example, an export-oriented industrial policy favours coastal locations; one based on high-end services might best be centred in big cities; labour-intensive manufacturing for the domestic market is suited to medium-sized cities; a big agro-industrial push strengthens the role of small towns. It should be obvious that urbanisation cannot be divorced from a discussion of industrial policy. But what exactly is our industrial policy and what role does it envisage for the various categories of urban locations — the big, medium, and small-sized cities and towns? Never having considered this explicitly, we have unplanned urbanisation with suboptimal results — the big cities are overwhelmed with the influx of people and the majority of medium and small-sized cities are stagnant. Eighty per cent of Pakistan’s population lived in rural areas in 1950 when the economy was dominated by agriculture. Industrialisation began to draw people into cities primarily because urban wages exceeded rural wages and better access to services added to the attraction. The structural transformation of an economy — the transition from agriculture to industry — is accompanied by urbanisation because most industry is located in cities. South Korea and Pakistan shared the same level of urbanisation in 1950 but the structural transformation in the former is complete — in 2010, 80pc of its population was urban. The structural transformation in Pakistan and India has remained stunted by contrast — by 2010, only about 40pc of their populations were urban according to official statistics, the consequences reflected in their much lower living standards compared to South Korea. The stunted transformation in the subcontinent is both a source of opportunity and a cause of concern: the former, because the majority of the population is yet to migrate and therefore their choice of locations can be influenced by intelligent policy interventions; the latter, because there is little serious thinking on industrial policy that will influence people’s choice of locations. The concern is compounded by the fact that arrested industrialisation does not forestall urbanisation. There might be no positive incentive to migrate but if rural poverty deepens desperate people would be pushed into cities. Such a poverty push has swelled a number of megacities in Africa. A similar push drives the export of labour from many regions in South Asia, skipping domestic locations and moving directly to employment-generating cities abroad. Poverty-driven urbanisation is a consequence of weak industrialisation. Employment shifts directly from agriculture to low-level services in informal sectors. The results are visible in slums in the big cities. Healthy urbanisation is not possible without industrialisation whose policy parameters impact the choice of locations. This connection is ignored in the subcontinent. When challenged, policymakers are likely to argue that economics ought to be left to the free market which would best determine the locations of jobs and people would move accordingly. This is contrary to experience. God did not create markets, human beings did. Almost all major markets in the subcontinent are outcomes of public sector investments (railways, canals, roads, villages) made by the British for objectives that are hardly relevant today. Opening up the Pakistan-India border or linking Kashgar to Gwadar would strengthen some markets and create others where none existed before. Each would affect the choice of destinations for rural migrants. This raises a policy question: where should jobs be located to yield an urbanisation pattern that makes people better off? The question assumes that policymakers have a free hand in choosing locations and types of jobs. Unfortunately, that is not the case — one cannot, for example, relocate an impoverished farmer and expect him or her to adapt seamlessly to modern industry in a megacity. The reason is simple. Pakistan and India have not invested adequately in the health, education and skills of their rural citizens. Weak social and labour policies have severely limited the ambit of industrial and urbanisation alternatives. Abstract theory might suggest that megacities are the most efficient engines of economic growth but with the existing endowment of human capital one might just end up with a transfer of rural poverty to urban locations. The more realistic question is to ask what kinds of urbanisation patterns are compatible with existing socioeconomic conditions. Should an informed policy favour rural industrialisation? Should there be a phase of skill enhancement through agro-industrial development in small towns? Should medium-sized cities serve as intermediaries in a staged urban-industrial strategy? These longer-term perspectives may appear suboptimal from the viewpoint of abstract growth theory but economists tend to forget that life is real and not abstract — one can only assume away reality at great cost to human beings. The key takeaway is the following: cities are not going to drive growth; rather, different types of growth will energise different types of cities — provided there has been adequate investment in human and physical capital. The writer is dean of the School of Humanities and Social Sciences at the Lahore University of Management Sciences.
The next IMF deal By Shahid Kardar THE International Monetary Fund board will be meeting tomorrow, Sept 4, to review Pakistan’s application for support. . It is a foregone conclusion that the board will approve the programme designed by the Fund’s staff to grant us financing of at least $6.6 billion over the programme period. It will also sanction the release of the first tranche of the loan on the grounds that the country has completed the ‘prior actions’ required to qualify for these funds. This writer has argued in these columns before that, contrary to the general perception and the expectations of most commentators, the programme will be relatively soft in terms of its coverage of the long overdue structural reforms needed to address our fundamental issues. This will essentially be for two reasons: a) The Fund, despite all claims, does not really understand structural reforms. This is partly because of its restricted mandate and short-term engagement with a country — the typical time period of a Fund programme is inadequate for carrying out structural and institutional reforms. The Fund is only interested in attaining macro-economic stabilisation, whose focus is limited to budget deficits and interest and exchange rates. b) The greater part of the nature, scope and extent of the stringency of programme actions and performance criteria that we will be required to meet will revolve around the timetable of the American retreat from Afghanistan. So, what is this programme likely to look like? Barring the upward revision in electricity tariffs (possibly mild where adjustment in rates applicable to domestic consumers is concerned) and the likely demand for fiscal adjustment measures to achieve a deficit reduction by 2pc of GDP the government has ambitiously committed to in this year’s budget, the bulk of the supposed actions will be embodied in meaningless English sentences. The latter will betray the underlying intent to bail us out to make the safe passage home for American troops in Afghanistan less painful and less expensive. This writer for one will be least surprised that to ease Pakistan’s access to funds, the majority of the ‘prior actions, ‘structural benchmarks’ and ‘performance criteria’ will involve implementation of amusingly harmless and simplistic measures. This will make access to funding easy so that we can avoid a default-like situation and stem the growing pressure on the rupee. This would also make it justifiable and ‘convenient’ for the IMF to give us money and thereby recover what it had lent to us under the previous programme. Examples of what we could be required to do would include: a) sending out a few thousand tax notices to alleged tax evaders; b) announcing a plan for rationalising gas prices; c) development of a strategy for restructuring state-owned enterprises; d) if we are to believe the leaks in the press on this one, the State Bank to buy $125 million from the market (resulting in the fall in the rupee’s exchange value; e) maybe there could be a reference to the disposal of a small percentage of the shares of one or two government-owned corporations as a declaration of intent to privatise some of these entities; f) legislative amendments to give the State Bank additional autonomy (as if it has been able to exercise whatever autonomy it already has), etc. And all such ‘brave’ reform measures will have to be undertaken before June 2014 to become eligible for the financial assistance built into the programme. I, for one, doubt that the fresh deal will make any serious demand for key reforms like elimination of the SRO regime, steps to extend the span of general sales tax further down the value-chain (to the retail level), etc. Press reports suggest that there would be a reference to the need for provinces to generate cash surpluses to enable the federal government to meet its expenditure obligations. This would be a ludicrous demand, one which the provincial governments of Sindh and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa will understandably ignore. How can the provinces be prevented from spending what they generate from their own tax effort or for that matter what they receive under the statutorily protected National Finance Commission award? But then the failure to meet this conditionality will not result in any stoppage of the flow of IMF funds. If the country is found to have met, say, six out of eight conditionalities the IMF staff and board will, after due deliberation, take a sympathetic view. It will allow the release of funds, arguing that although the programme execution has been uneven the reforms are moving forward and the authorities have reaffirmed their intention to achieve the targets and criteria. Allah be praised for the drafting options available in the English language and the wide array of vocabulary it provides if you wish to favour friends, even when they have clearly not achieved much by way of critical reforms. To conclude, the fears of a tough IMF programme, especially the toxic nature of its first year’s conditionalities, are misplaced. Thus, the fulfillment of the requirements of the first year of the programme and the quarterly disbursement basis are not likely to make us, yet again, a ‘one-tranche country’ with the IMF. Instead of feeling anxious we should relax in the express knowledge that it will not be as bumpy a ride as is being dreaded. If we end up having to tighten our belts it will be in spite of the IMF. Meanwhile, the US troops will be back at home with fewer casualties than the current apprehension and the Fund staff which designed this programme will get their customary promotions as well as accumulate a tidy sum of frequent flyer points from their regular visits to Pakistan. We couldn’t hope for a more perfect confluence of interests of all potential stakeholders. The writer is a former governor of the State Bank of Pakistan.
Black and white narrative By Arifa Noor WE live in a land of black and white. Our choices are between polar opposites without any middle ground or any nuance.. Be it the role of Gen Pervez Musharraf or the Taliban, we are only allowed to hate or love but not debate. This is also the case with militancy where the options are to fight or to talk. But what sort of a debate or policy offers only two options — both mutually exclusive? On the one side are those who believe that talks will only allow the “ruthless fanatics” to gain strength, cause more destruction and death. Hence, they argue, that the use of force is a necessary evil. On the other hand are those who believe that those who fight are simply “misguided patriots” who can be shown the right path by a little TLC. After 10 years of fighting militancy, can no nuance or detail be added to these two options? Consider the United States in Afghanistan. Its policy there has taken twists and turns as circumstances changed and there continues to be a heated debate and discussion on Washington’s various mistakes. From the initial invasion to the change of focus towards Iraq and then the re-focus on Afghanistan, the story of the American involvement in Afghanistan offers details on political, diplomatic and military strategies. In Pentagon itself, the policy has shifted from the light footprint introduced by Donald Rumsfeld to the counterinsurgency doctrine of Gen David Petraeus, which was implemented among others by Gen Stanley McChrystal and then Petraeus himself. Even the Petraeus doctrine was accompanied by buzzwords that provided further detail — winning hearts and minds; holding the population centres (McChrystal’s contribution while he was there) and the famous ‘surge’. Just this military side of the policy has been dissected and criticised incessantly. Those in the State Department who worked with Richard Holbrooke, Obama’s special representative for Af-Pak, and were unhappy that his political solutions were not heard by Obama, are among these critics. Vali Nasr’s latest book is a case in point where he documents how Holbrooke predicted that the surge would not work and that eventually Washington would have to talk to the Afghan Taliban. Unfortunately, by the time Holbrooke’s prediction proved true, he had passed away. These are just a few examples of the existing narrative of how a war was fought or not fought; how it was perceived; how it was analysed and solutions found and discarded. In contrast, the Pakistani narrative goes something like this. The military entered the Federally Administered Tribal Areas in 2004, uninterested in fighting because of Musharraf’s infamous ‘dual’ policy. Those serving under him preferred deals with the militants which simply strengthened the militants. Only when Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani took over did the army start fighting in earnest (though the current COAS seems to have acquiesced to Musharraf’s ‘dual policy’ when he served as the DG ISI). In Fata, Bajaur was one of the first to be cleansed and then in 2009, it was Swat — the real success story. But what really changed from Musharraf to Kayani? What changed in the military tactics or strategy from Kalosha in 2004 to Mingora in 2009? Apparently only the intentions; a ‘professional soldier’ who wasn’t preoccupied with his political survival and an internal dialogue inside the military (triggered by the series of attacks across the country) led to the change in policy. And of course such is the logic of the system in Pakistan that no one ever thought of asking an institution what it was doing ‘pretending’ to fight a war from 2004 to 2008. In 2007 when the ‘will’ was missing, there were hushed whispers about lack of equipment; the poor training of the FC; and reluctant soldiers who didn’t want to fight their own countrymen. How this last problem was resolved post-2008 remains a mystery. As for the first two, we were told that the FC salary structure was improved and the Americans provided some equipment and training. Was there any change in the strategy or tactics? Have we evolved a counterstrategy policy? It’s hard to tell. If the PAF chief’s testimony to the Abbottabad Commission report is to be believed, the defence policy was formed back in 2004. Since then there has been no review —10 years of fighting a war inside the borders to the extent that the army chief can’t open his mouth without lamenting the threat within from extremism and there has been no review of this defence policy. No wonder then that the debate is black and white because the gaps in our information are so large that what is available is but a small oasis in a vast desert of ignorance. And the gaps need to be filled if the debate is to be meaningful. Strategies, tactics and options — more detailed than a high school level debate on the benefits of fighting vs talking. Surely, if the Americans’ involvement in Afghanistan tells us something it is that there is more than one way of dealing with militancy — even if there is a consensus on the use of force. Is North Waziristan the only target? Will an operation there rid us of those militants operating in Quetta and Karachi? How effective is the current strategy if four years after the most successful operation in Swat, the valley is still not fully under civilian control? Did the military operation in Swat differ from the one conducted in Bajaur? What mistakes were made in Swat and what was learnt from them? Or did the Pakistan Army make none? For once Imran Khan is not wrong when he asks for more facts before an all parties conference. But it would help if some of this information is shared with more than a handful of politicians sitting in the parliament. The writer is Dawn’s resident editor in Islamabad.
Australia likely to vote for change By Mahir Ali UNLESS the opinion polls are drastically off-kilter, it’s all over bar the shouting as far as the result of Australia’s general election on Saturday is concerned.. The only suspense relates to the scale of the devastation that faces the Australian Labour Party (ALP), which has been in power for almost six years and has switched prime ministers twice during that period. Back in 2010, it toppled Kevin Rudd on the eve of that year’s election, having panicked in the light of opinion polling that pointed to a defeat for the party. In the event, the election result was ambiguous, yielding a hung parliament, but Rudd’s successor, Julia Gillard, was able to cobble together a minority government based on support from the Australian Greens and a couple of independents. That was an unusual outcome for Australia, although it’s par for the course in most European democracies. Thanks to Gillard’s negotiating skills, it also turned out to be a remarkably productive parliament in legislative terms. However, Gillard, Australia’s first female head of government, never quite succeeded in endearing herself to the populace, partly because she all too often felt obliged to strike a prime ministerial pose that undermined that passion that had characterised her political interventions as an opposition front-bencher and as an activist deputy prime minister under Rudd. The “real Julia” occasionally shone through, not least when she aimed an internationally applauded anti-misogynist diatribe at opposition leader Tony Abbott. More generally, though, her carefully scripted interventions grated on the public consciousness, amid ostensible policy failures whose extent was routinely exaggerated by a broadly hostile media. Faced yet again with the prospect of electoral defeat, the ALP clumsily dumped her earlier this year, reinstating Rudd, whose ambition of returning to the helm had never been in any doubt. Labour’s tactic was always a gamble, and it is now all but certain that it will not pay off. This is not a consequence of Abbott’s overwhelming popularity, mind you. Many of those inclined to vote for the conservative side of politics — dominated by the permanent coalition between Abbott’s Liberal Party and the rural-based Nationals — entertain lingering doubts about his potential as a national leader, given his relatively antediluvian mindset and his startling inadequacies as a communicator. The fact they nonetheless view the side he represents as the lesser evil is an excoriating indictment of the ALP’s failures — arguably more so in the realm of words rather than actions. After all, the conservatives have been able to convey the popular impression that the Australian economy is perched on the edge of a precipice, whereas in fact it has fared rather better than most Western economies in the wake of the capitalist meltdown known as the global financial crisis, thanks in large part to the ALP government’s generous stimulus packages. Labour’s inability to capitalise on its sporadic — but by no means inconsequential — successes has aided a broadly hostile media, spearheaded by the substantial proportion of newspapers owned by Rupert Murdoch. Long-time observers are convinced that the level of bile spat out by influential Murdoch titles is unprecedented. Partisanship by sections of the media is, of course, not uncommon, and it’s generally acceptable for newspapers to take sides, but the degree of bias in this instance has transformed at least a couple of tabloids into propaganda sheets for the conservative cause. Of course, the extent to which voters are influenced by the press is open to question. Yet, as Joseph Goebbels realised, even a blatant untruth can be transformed into received wisdom if it is repeated often enough. And in some Australian state capitals, there are no alternatives whatsoever to the Murdoch press. It’s also notable that some of the more unbalanced columnists have been falling over themselves not only to rubbish the ALP’s record but to subtly warn Abbott, even while absurdly projecting him as a great-leader-in-waiting, that he could lose their affection if he does not go far enough in promoting the neoliberal ideal of small government. This in effect means removing all restrictions on big business. In fact, big business has had considerable leeway in Australia for more than two decades under both sides of politics — a reflection of the broad Western trend whereby the left and right are distinguished more by personalities than policies, with the left notionally leaning towards a centre that has shifted inexorably to the right, and the right in turn staking its claim to the extremist fringes where certifiable lunacy once held sway. It’s hardly a wonder, then, that Australia’s younger generation is generally disenchanted with politics, and a large segment of its members vote only because it’s a legal obligation. Rudd has lately sought to appeal to young people’s social progressivism by upholding the cause of gay marriage, despite the fact that in confessional terms he is almost as much of a Christian fundamentalist as Abbott, who once intended to be a Catholic priest. But it is unlikely to get him very far. In fact, opinion poll projections suggest Rudd could even lose his own seat, just as John Howard did in 2007. That could ultimately serve as a trigger for the ALP’s renewal, although the prospect cannot be rated too highly, given the party’s internal divisions and the ascendancy within it of personalities who instinctively lean to the right — notably on issues such as asylum-seekers — even while trying to differentiate themselves from the Liberals. The prospect of a well-deserved Labour defeat on Saturday does not, however, alleviate the dread of a solid Liberal majority in both houses of parliament. However unlikely it may seem, a hung parliament again might be the least worst outcome for Australia. mahir.dawn@gmail.com
Limitations of power By Najmuddin A. Shaikh ON Saturday, President Obama declared, “I have decided that the United States should take military action against Syrian regime targets”. But he went on to say that he had also made a second decision and that was “to seek authorisation for the use of force from the American people’s representatives in Congress”.. While it was known that Obama had been ambivalent about the use of American military force this decision came as a surprise, especially since his faithful secretary of state, John Kerry, had been making the case for an attack on Syria. Also, the US intelligence community had pulled out all the stops to put together a dossier to convince the world that not only had chemical weapons been used but that they had been used by the Assad regime which alone among the warring parties possessed the means of delivery. The president’s decision was accompanied by an impassioned call for the American Congress and the international community to recognise the imperative need for action, saying, “What message will we send if a dictator can gas hundreds of children to death in plain sight and pay no price? What’s the purpose of the international system that we’ve built if a prohibition on the use of chemical weapons that has been agreed to by the governments of 98pc of the world’s people and approved overwhelmingly by the Congress of the United States is not enforced?” It was rather odd that such a plea should be made when only a few days earlier reports in the American media had shown through the publication of official documents that not only had the Americans been aware of the use of chemical weapons by the Iraqis against their own Kurds and then against the Iranians but that they had provided the Iraqis with the satellite data on Iranian sites that were then subjected to chemical attack by Saddam. (Readers might wish to see ‘Exclusive: CIA Files Prove America Helped Saddam as He Gassed Iran’ which appeared last month on the website of Foreign Policy). Apparently the Reagan administration decided that it was better to let the attacks continue if they could turn the tide of the war. In any case, at this time it seems certain that this plea will fall on deaf ears. The hearings that congressional leaders have scheduled this week will bring only limited support for the president’s position because under international law it is clearly untenable — there is, as the vote in the British parliament showed, no international support for such action, and domestic public opinion is opposed to military involvement when they have ‘no dog in the fight’. It is unlikely, in any case, that many congressmen will be influenced by the hearings since what the experts have to say has been well publicised in the media over the last few days. The president’s eloquent call for congressional support is also not likely, according to most observers, to find resonance in Congress. Those, like Senator McCain, who support action want it to be such as would effect regime change. This the president has ruled out saying “our action would be designed to be limited in duration and scope”. Others will oppose it because they will reject anything that Obama proposes. Yet others, like much of the world, will reject it because they will not accept the president’s assertion that this would be a vote “for our national security”. But most will reject it because of the apprehension that it will lead to a further entanglement in what Obama himself has described as “someone else’s war”. Therefore, unless I am reading the signs entirely incorrectly, the congressional vote, which will take place shortly after Congress reconvenes on Sept 9, will be negative and even though Obama may say that legally he would still have the authority to order an attack it would clearly be political suicide for him to do so. Obama’s current uncomfortable position follows essentially from the mistake he made of labelling the use of chemical weapons as a “red line” without thinking through the actions he would have to take to maintain credibility in case Assad did cross the “red line”. He has belatedly recognised that the cost of maintaining credibility by attacking Syria in the present international ambience would be higher than even the world’s sole super power could bear and has chosen to have Congress share the blame for what the Syrian news media has gloatingly called “the beginning of the historic American retreat”. Despite its economic woes from which it is slowly recovering and despite its dismal experience in the Iraq and Afghan conflicts from which it is seeking an exit the US remains the world’s sole superpower. And yet in the absence of international support it finds the cost of military intervention in “someone else’s war”, no matter how noble the cause, too high. Too high because involvement in yet another war would not only impact American interests in other parts of the Middle East but would bring to a halt the slow recovery of the American economy from the debilitating effects of the last two military interventions. It has forced Obama to talk of “pursuing a political resolution that achieves a government that respects the dignity of its people”. For smaller, less powerful countries, there are lessons to be learnt. The consequences of proposed policies must be carefully thought through. There must be a readiness to change policies when costs become too high and no considerations of prestige or regional standing should be allowed to stand in the way of such correction. Seeking to determine or dictate the course of events in an ongoing or incipient internal conflict in another country is hazardous because the power one has is limited. In Pakistan’s case, this would suggest a further rethinking of our policy towards Afghanistan, towards the Afghans who have exploited the shelter they found on our soil and lastly towards the interests of other regional powers in Afghanistan. The writer is a former foreign secretary.
Precision wars By Rafia Zakaria THE month of September has brought war before. It was on Sept 7, 1940, that the sustained bombing of London by Germany’s Nazi regime began. . Known now as the Blitz, this bombing campaign would last 267 days, or nearly 37 weeks. Night after night, German aircraft would ply the skies over the city, dropping bombs into the darkness below and hoping to cause as much damage as possible. Before it was all over, nearly 100 tonnes of explosives would be dropped on the city. As history would tell it, war was different in those days. At the purely technological level, the pilots who flew over London were guided only by the city lights below. No lights meant no targets, so the inhabitants of London in September 1940 had to embrace darkness. The blackout was a prominent feature of the Second World War: curtains had to be pulled, headlights and lamplights — all lights — had to be extinguished. With the sound of the siren that signalled the German raids, those who did not have underground shelters in their own buildings or homes had to make their way to public shelters where they spent the night in cramped bunks amid complete strangers. All night, citizen volunteers who had taken up the task of air-raid wardens walked up and down the darkened streets to ensure that no speck of light gave the city away. The bombs fell nevertheless. Daylight would reveal the damage and also relieve the suffering. The Germans attacked only at night, and people could pause, pretend to follow their pre-war routines, and imagine that the threat of death did not dangle as close as the approach of darkness. At the same time, with bombing so close and destruction so nearly complete, the war was all encompassing. In the accounts of those who lived in London during the Blitz, the complete disruption of society and culture by the bombings meant that everyone who experienced it was thrown into a sense of camaraderie. The bombs, the citizens of London learned, could target anyone, rich or poor, famous or ordinary, old or young, and so everyone became in a sense the same, crouching in the darkness and hoping that the bomb that fell from above would not descend on them. In the closeness of war was the togetherness of war, in the visible suffering was unity, and in all of it was an understanding of conflict as something real, proximate and transformative. As the world ponders another war this September, the experience of Londoners during the Second World War provides an occasion for pause. Few of those young and alive today have experienced the sorts of complete war described here. If the bombs of old were blindly dropped and unguided by radars, and the targets selected a long while away, the bombs of today are surgical and precise. Again and again, the vocabulary of exactness is presented as proof of war’s justification. There are no mistakes made by laser-guided missiles, we are all told; the world’s new instruments of destruction can ask for directions, knock at doors and practically ask for identification before they kill. That, at least, is what we believe; in the rhetorical union of warmongering and precision, we imagine its cruelties dissipated, even eliminated. To enable the continuation of this metaphor, warmongers successfully stanch all news of mistakes, of blindly or wrongly dropped bombs, of accidentally struck houses and mistakenly killed people. The success and popularity of the targeted war, one that can far more indulgently be inflicted on populations, depends on the myth of its precision. If the wars of old were denounced by the sheer facts of destruction, witnessed night after night by those who lived through their terror and still emerged alive, the wars of today rely on the spared being oblivious to the danger they face, comfortably convinced that the targets are always someone else. The truth of the faraway war applies to Pakistan today. Our own war is a war of small doses, taking from us bit by bit for over a decade — a war that leaves just enough tiny bits of normalcy for the deception that insists there is no war at all. In our modern age, where enemies are murky and agendas even more so, many imagine the blunt and blind terrors of past wars as a condition far worse than our own. It is a crucial myth and, increasingly, a global one. Perhaps in order to believe in the necessity of war after the horrors of the Second World War, a new lie was necessary — the idea that killing, when done carefully, is somehow not really war at all. As the US mulls its march into Syria and the drums sound loudly over the rest of the world, the myth of precision will once again dominate the discussion. Pakistan, which is still living through that country’s last war of precision, has much to contribute. When the US began its drone war in the country, many were in support, believing that the precise killing of marked men would rid the country of the disease of violent extremism. As the American drones fired, the terrorists scattered, making new homes in dense cities and towns, winning the hearts of Pakistanis who opposed American imperialism. In the continued survival of terrorism in Pakistan, the myth of modern war’s accuracy lies exposed, the blurry boundaries of armed conflict and the easy proliferation of a million new evils all revealed. Proof, however, does not convince the passionate and proud; and in an America still enraptured with the myth of precision — the lie of a correct conflict carved with righteous exactitude — there is hunger yet for a new war. The writer is an attorney teaching constitutional law and political philosophy. rafia.zakaria@gmail.com
Beyond Jinnah’s secularism By Jawed Naqvi THAT Mohammad Ali Jinnah was secular is old hat. Two of his recently unearthed radio broadcasts that lay hidden in the archives of All India Radio testify yet again to the sometimes confusing but secular idealism which he shared with his two great rivals in the Congress party, Gandhi and Nehru. . True secularism, however, should be inclined to go beyond the Hindu-Muslim paradigm, that overwrought and smug expression of South Asian liberalism. All three architects of freedom laid stress on their respective interpretation of what they considered to be secular, though not without ultimately tragic consequences for their constituents. It is no gainsaying that pitchers of water placed on railway platforms in pre-partition India were labelled Hindu paani and Muslim paani. There were Hindu Gymkhanas and Muslim Gymkhanas and so forth. In fact, wayside restaurants in India still describe themselves as ‘Hindu Vaishnav Bhojanalaya’ or ‘Halal Kebabs’. You could even find a ‘Muslim Hotel’ in a small town, since Indians often label restaurants as hotels. The question is: would the communities excluded from the Hindu-Muslim paradigm, the Dalits, for example, have been allowed to access either of the two pitchers assigned to the religious groups that would one day part ways, considering the subcontinental leaders’ notions of secularism and given their relative silence on other hidebound social segmentations? The question is worth probing further though the answer is only too well known. This is because both Muslim and Hindu elites practised varying degrees of untouchability, which many still do. If the Dalits in India or Pakistan are in a hapless state even 66 years after independence, what is the verbal promise of secularism given by the great leaders worth anyway? “The tolerance and goodwill that the great emperor Akbar showed to all non-Muslims is not of recent origin,” Jinnah claimed in his All India Radio broadcast of Aug 14, 1947. He believed the virtues represented by Akbar went back 13 centuries “when our Prophet (PBUH) not only by words but by deeds treated the Jews and Christians handsomely after he conquered them. He showed to them outmost tolerance and regard and respect for their faith and beliefs. The whole history of Muslims where they ruled is replete with those humane and great principles and which should be followed and practised by us.” Did this idea of equality for religions, in Jinnah’s case primarily between Hindus and Muslims, overlook another issue — the hidebound social inequality both the Muslim League and the Congress strove to play down if not completely ignore? The notion of Hindus and Muslims being equal in law he helped propound in Pakistan is reminiscent of the less than perfect ideals that were circulated as pamphlets by Begum Hazrat Mahal of Awadh when she launched a guerrilla war against British rule in 1857 from the forests she was driven to. Crucial source material is available to show that in many cases, quite possibly in most instances, the Dalit castes were so fed up with their Indian rulers that they were relieved when the British emerged as the victors from the bloodbath that 1857 was. Did Jinnah discuss this with Bhim Rao Ambedkar, the towering Dalit leader who had a serious dispute with Gandhi’s attitude towards his community’s proposed rights in independent India? Though Hazrat Mahal of Awadh played a heroic role in the battle against British rule, the content of the proclamation by her son, Birjis Qadar, promotes a different view. There is an intense bias against the lower class of Indians, even as the dethroned queen of Awadh appeals to Hindu-Muslim amity as her main asset. The Indian Council of Historical Research has found a collection of proclamations issued by the rebel leaders. Documented by Dr Iqbal Hussain of Aligarh Muslim University, it is a must read for students of social history on both sides of the border. Birjis Qadar (wali of Awadh) urges his subjects in the proclamation dated June 25, 1858 that his government respected the right of religion, honour, life and property, in that order, something the British ostensibly didn’t. Then he explains his claim. “Everyone follows his own religion (in my domain). And enjoys respect according to their worth and status. Men of high extraction, be they Syed, Sheikh, Mughal or Pathan, among the Mohammedans, or Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaish or Kayasth, among the Hindoos, all these retain the respectability according to their respective ranks. And all persons of a lower order such as a Sweeper, Chamar, Dhanook, or Pasi cannot claim equality with them.” Prince Birjis Qadar twists the knife further in his lament: “The honour and respectability of every person of high extraction are considered by (the British) equal to the honour and respectability of the lower orders. Nay, compared with the latter, they treat the former with contempt and disrespect. Wherever they go they hang the respectable persons to death, and at the instance of the Chamar, force the attendance of a Nawab or a Rajah, and subject him to indignity.” This reality of the partition discourse is overlooked in our textbooks as well as in higher academia. The two spools of Jinnah’s speech made public by Outlook magazine last week, and which Pakistan wants to be handed over, failed to raise the bar on the discussion of the standard Hindu-Muslim blame game though they could. The first of the two recordings was perhaps Jinnah’s last address on the radio within the borders of what is now India. It was made on June 3, 1947, in Delhi, two months before he left for the country that had become his life’s mission. The second, shorter but more well-known recording was his address to the constituent assembly of Pakistan on the day that nation came into existence: Aug 14, 1947. The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi. jawednaqvi@gmail.com
Keep hangings suspended By I.A. Rehman SINCE rumour is generally true in Pakistan one hopes the new president will announce within a few days the government’s decision not to resume the execution of condemned prisoners for the time being.. Such an announcement, like the informal moratorium kept in force by the previous government, will not amount to the abolition of the death penalty. But it should mark the beginning of a search for a rational resolution of the controversy over the country’s death penalty regime. This effort should have been made earlier and if the present government wishes to avoid its predecessor’s lapses it should welcome a thorough public discourse. The government has been urged to extend the moratorium on hangings by different quarters. Civil society activists who had been demanding abolition of the death penalty for years have been joined by international human rights organisations and no government should ignore the international opinion. The government is also aware of the economic cost of retaining the death penalty. There is pressure on it to stay the executioner’s hand in order to keep the door to talks with militants/terrorists open. At the same time the honourable chief justice of the Sindh High Court has deemed it appropriate to make an outside-the-court plea for mandatory execution of hardened criminals. This underlines the need for judicial authorities to exercise restraint while making off-the-cuff observations that could land them in unwelcome controversies. Whatever may be happening in Karachi or elsewhere, Pakistan cannot afford to opt for the mediaeval concept of a retributive dispensation. Apart from whatever has been said for or against the death penalty over the past few weeks, the case for a moratorium on hangings commands respect on merit and needs to be presented over and over again. The advocates of the death penalty build their case on four main grounds: — The death penalty acts as a deterrent to serious crime. — The ends of justice demand capital punishment for capital offences. — The victim’s family does not receive justice if perpetrators of heinous crimes are not hanged. — Since the death penalty has been prescribed in the Holy Quran it cannot be abolished in a Muslim state. All these arguments have been found non-maintainable in any serious discussion. That the death penalty is no deterrent can be proved from the crime record of many countries, from China to the US. In Pakistan killing of women for ‘honour’ has increased and so has kidnapping for ransom despite the prescription of death as punishment for these crimes. The incidence of terrorist attacks and sectarian massacres has increased after the promulgation of anti-terrorist laws. All studies confirm that harsh laws and punishments alone have nowhere suppressed serious crime; that objective can only be realised through non-penal social engineering. As for the demands of justice they operate in favour of the victim and the offender both: justice for one must not mean injustice to the other. Since the death penalty is a punishment that cannot be reversed the degree of certitude required for awarding this penalty to anyone demands not only a high level of efficiency on the part of investigators, prosecutors and court authorities but also a society that has acquired maturity for truthfulness and fair play. There is a national consensus that these conditions are not met in Pakistan. Hence the risk of miscarriage of justice is abnormally high. There is a great deal of hypocrisy in the argument that hangings are necessary to console and compensate the victims’ families. The most effective form of consolation is payment of diyat and the state should arrange for that. The clamour for hanging is the result of the brutalisation of society. No criminal is wholly responsible for his acts and society must accept a part of the responsibility for his having gone astray. Finally, the religious argument. The Quran lays down death punishment for only two offences — murder and mischief in the land (fasad-fil-arz). There is no religious sanction for awarding death for 26 of the 28 offences that carry the death penalty in Pakistan . Besides, the objective of punishing a wrongdoer in a civilised society can only be his transformation into a peaceful law-abiding citizen. What should be the fate of a person on the death row who proves by his conduct that he has purged himself of all criminal tendencies and has learnt to serve his fellow beings? If executed, such a person will be punished for having reformed himself and not for his original offence. All these issues need to be debated freely and in keeping with the traditions of earnest discussion and over a considerably long period. That is the purpose of a moratorium. If only executions are put on hold and matters are pushed under the carpet, Pakistan will make its present imbroglio more and more intractable. Tailpiece: The pleasant taste of the denouement in the Imran Khan contempt case should stay on our palate for quite some time. It is not every day that one hears of judicial notice being taken of a politician’s status. The judge who craved for respect and not praise has given us a quotable quote of permanent value. But it was the attorney general who settled the issue of contempt of court, hopefully once and for all. Where non-compliance was not an issue, he stated, what anyone said for or against a judge was of no consequence to the latter or his court. Let this be the guiding principle for deciding all contempt cases. Correction: The title of Abdullahi Ahmed An-Naim’s book referred to in this column last week was not correct. The correct citation is Islam and the Secular State: Negotiating the Future of Sharia; Harvard University Press, USA/Viva Books, New Delhi. n
Karachi’s violent cycle By Khurram Husain WHEN Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif says the problem of growing violence in Karachi is a national issue — because without security you have no investment, and without investment you have no revenues, and without revenues you have no state, and without a state you have more violence — he has correctly identified half the problem.. There is another vicious cycle at play that nobody at the various meetings being held in the city over the past few days is willing to say aloud. And that is the role of turf in generating and sustaining the violence. Crudely put, the other vicious cycle which grows from the ground up goes something like this: mafias fight over turf, or control of a patch of land. In order to wage their fight, they need funds. In order to acquire those funds they need to extort. And in order to extort, they need to control a patch of land, or they need turf. This struggle over land and the growing demand for it coupled with a limited supply has driven violence and violent group formation in Karachi for decades. But there’s a little more to the story than just this. It’s common knowledge that Karachi is a migrant’s city. What is less commonly appreciated is that migrants consist in large part of people displaced by conflict. The first refugees, or population fleeing violent persecution and conflict were those who call themselves Mohajirs today. The next wave consisted of those referred to as the Biharis, who ended up in a patch of land outside Karachi at the time with little more than the shirts on their backs. That patch of land is today called Orangi Town, but at the time was an informal settlement outside the city limits.The next big influx of people fleeing violent conflict were the Afghans, in the 1980s, followed by another wave of Pakhtun migrants in the latest round of conflict in Afghanistan. With each wave of migration, a new fault line was created in the ethnic constitution of the city. Then there were the economic migrants, those displaced not by conflict but by opportunity. The largest such group in the city is from southern Punjab, which is why more buses connect Karachi and Sadiqabad than any other two cities in the country, and why the rail link between Karachi and Multan is the most heavily travelled out of all the rail links out there. Due to this constant influx of refugees, the politics of the city acquired an indelibly ethnic colour, a legacy becoming a more and more visible and powerful in the city’s life with each surge of new immigrants. This constant influx of migrants strained the city’s capacity to absorb them. The economy has been able to generate jobs fast enough to put this rapidly growing demographic to work, but the city infrastructure and its institutions for settlement and management of residential areas have not been able to keep pace. The result has been large unregulated and purportedly illegal settlements springing up on the outskirts of the city, and eventually getting absorbed by the growing metropolis. A large part of the violence plaguing the city today grows out of this process of absorbing unregulated settlements. A hardy population, carrying the scars of conflict and violence, left to fend for itself with deep ethnic and linguistic divides, has had to fight it out to keep a place in the city Those successful in this fight eventually became regularised. Those who couldn’t muster the muscle or the nerve either had to move to the more expensive neighbourhoods where property tenure was secured by the state, or were weeded out. Many of the residential areas that were built as part of the cities’ planned growth and expansion eventually came to have unregulated settlements nestled inside them, on land rejected by the Karachi Development Authority or discarded by the inhabitants. Empty river beds from the older estuaries of the Indus river delta for instance made for excellent discarded land, and all along what used to be the Lyari river or in Korangi, or even along drainage nullahs, settlements sprang up in which the inhabitants clumped together in tough little groupings to secure for themselves what is one of the most precious commodities in the city: residential land. Violence became a large-scale phenomenon in Karachi once this process of absorption of new settlements became politicised. Initially with the formation of the PPP, the first-generation Mohajir population gravitated towards the Jamaat-i-Islami, and in the second big burst of migrant influx, evolved into an overtly ethnic identity of its own. The first Pathan-Mohajir riots in the early 1980s happened precisely along the fault line where an unregulated settlement of Afghan refugees sprang up right next to a middle-class Mohajir residential locality, and those riots played a significant part in giving birth to the MQM. Significantly, those riots also played a big part in breaking up the momentum of the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy, and thereby helped a dictator prolong his rule. Nawaz Sharif is right to point out that Karachi’s growing violence is a national problem. It always has been. He’s also right to emphasise that force will be required to deal with this problem. But force alone will not work. For Karachi to find peace, the city’s institutions must be reformed to better absorb its migrants, to provide security of land title and contracts, to facilitate access to public goods like water and sewerage, to administer justice. The city’s economy can create the jobs, as it has proven again and again over the decades, but if the city’s rulers do not disengage from the violence that grows as a necessary by-product of their own misrule, they will eventually be devoured by the very beast they are grooming. The writer is a business journalist and 2013-2014 Pakistan Scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Centre, Washington D.C. khurram.husain@gmail.com Twitter: @khurramhusain
A dying breed By Aasim Sajjad Akhtar FOR all of the talk that the nation-state is withering away, we still live in a world in which ‘national interests’ are as important as any other factor in shaping the contours of our lives. . Borders remain impermeable for the majority of the world’s people, and it is over many of these borders that wars continue to be fought. The nature of war, as the experts are fond of reminding us, has changed. Technology and the incredible firepower available to the world’s most powerful states allows for more (dehumanised) destruction than was possible even a few short decades ago. But what has not changed is the ability of militarised states to mobilise the minds and hearts of millions to the cause of war. War has of course been a mainstay of the social order since the very beginning of settled life. Yet history also testifies to the constant presence of those who have struggled to establish peace in the name of all of humanity. This dialectic of war and peace has been amongst the most defining features of the modern era, notwithstanding the fact that modernity was supposed to herald the triumph of enlightened humanity. Of course those who write history never refrain from acclaiming their own virtues, regardless of what the facts may say. It is thus that mainstream historiographers posit that, a century or so ago, the ‘civilised world’ reached a crossroads following the carnage of the First World War. European and American statesmen wisely agreed to create an ‘inter-national’ entity that would symbolise the imperative of peace, aptly named the League of Nations. Thus, the story goes, began an era of relative peace, the likes of which the world had never seen before. Of course the Second World War broke out less than two decades later, shattering the myth that human reason had prevailed over bigotry and mass violence. It took the atomic annihilation of Hiroshima and Nagasaki for the ‘civilised world’ to be reminded that it was supposed to be upholding the pacifist cause. In 1945, the League was reinvigorated and renamed the United Nations. Through the 1970s, the UN was not the limp imperial rubber-stamp it has since become, in large part due to the upheavals caused by anti-colonial movements across Asia and Africa. One after the other newly independent post-colonial states obtained membership of the UN, thereby ensuring that the institution shed its image of being little more than a vehicle of Western hegemony. Having said this, what happened at the UN during those heady days was less a reflection of the nature of that organisation and more an indicator of global, regional and ideological dynamics in a world still coloured by what Marx once called ‘the spectre of communism’. To be sure, the left projected an alternative ‘inter-nationalism’ to that which was championed by the UN. In 1917, when then US president Woodrow Wilson developed the blueprint for the League, a contemporary of his was putting forward a very different vision of a peaceful and harmonious world system. The man was Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, the leader of the Russian Bolsheviks who had just taken power through the world’s first socialist revolution, a stunning development that reverberated across the ‘civilised world’. Predictably, the newly created Soviet Union was not invited to be a member of the League. Recall that European colonies were not considered ‘nations’ then and were hence not considered for membership in the prestigious new ‘global’ body. Lenin’s alternative — known variously as the Third International and Communist International (CI) — did not discriminate in any such way. In 1920, a historic ‘Congress of the Peoples of the East’ was convened in Baku (Azerbaijan) in which leaders of anti-colonial movements from around the world participated. The Soviet Union offered its complete support to these movements and the Congress affirmed its commitment to a world free of imperialism in all its forms. The two competing forms of inter-nationalism, one represented by the League and later UN, and the other by the CI, prevailed through the Cold War. As I have suggested, history is written by those who are proclaimed victors, and it is therefore not surprising that there is now little discussion or debate about Leninist internationalism. This is nevertheless unfortunate, because the contemporary world would be a much better place if more committed anti-imperialists had a say in determining the course of its affairs. As the so-called ‘international community’ waits for the US Congress to issue its approval to President Obama’s plan to drop bombs on Syria, it is hard not to lament the fact that genuine internationalists are a dying breed. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, dozens of wars have been sanctioned by the ‘international community’ (read: Washington). The impending strike on Syria will definitely not be the last. It is ironic that Vladimir Putin — formerly head of the Soviet intelligence machine, the KGB — is the only world leader presently decrying the American Empire. Putin bears no resemblance, physical or political, to the other Vladimir whose legacy continues to inform the history of both modern Russia and the world. We do not have to agree on the Leninist legacy to recognise that the internationalism that Lenin championed forced imperialism into a measure of retreat. The CI was only one of the alternative poles to the UN, the much-respected Non-Aligned Movement of Nehru, Sukarno, Nkrumah and Nasser the other. Since 1990 the tables have turned definitively and the post-colonial countries have been forced into retreat by an advancing and militarily impregnable superpower state. Some modernists amongst us still believe that the good and reasonable in humanity will magically come to the fore just because it should. The history of modern imperialism is testimony that we cannot afford to just rely on luck. The writer teaches at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.
Unwanted milestones By Sakib Sherani OVER the past few months, Pakistan’s economy has crossed three unhappy milestones of sorts:. — The rupee finally crossed the 100 to a dollar mark, having lost over 10pc in its value since July 1, 2012. — Bangladesh’s exports overtook Pakistan’s ($26.6bn versus $24.5bn). — Debt servicing has become the biggest budget item, overtaking defence and development spending. The underlying developments that have brought us here are not unrelated, and have been in the making for a long time. Hence, we should not be surprised. We should also not curse our stars that these events have occurred now. As Pakistan has discovered, and India is discovering to its economic peril, when nations ignore fundamental structural reforms for too long, they become accident-prone. Festering issues left on the boil have now begun to unleash their toxic fumes: Karachi and Balochistan need serious attention, as do internal security threats in other parts of the country. Immediate and far-reaching institutional reforms are the order of the day across the entire spectrum of the governance framework, including in civil service, police, tax administration, the overall public sector, energy, education, water security, etc. Partly by bad design, and partly by default, the IMF programme is not going to address Pakistan’s structural issues — the latest programme in particular. The most the rather weak current arrangement will ensure is a series of minor “course corrections” for the economy, to avoid a mid-air collision before end-2014, the designated timeline for the US retreat from Afghanistan. It is not designed to take us to our promised destination. That is a job we will have to do ourselves. The rupee: After years of speculation, and trepidation, regarding when the rupee will hit a century against the US dollar, the event itself was quite anticlimactic. When the rupee crossed the 100 to a dollar mark in the inter-bank market recently, it had been anticipated and forecast for so long that most people in the markets took it in their stride. In fact, those who had sold their rupee assets and moved big-time into the dollar in anticipation were even gleeful rather than sombre or downcast. Unlike the dramatic falling-out-of-the-sky of the Indian rupee, which has lost 18pc of its value against the dollar since January, the Pakistani rupee’s flirtation with, and eventual move beyond, the 100 to a dollar barrier almost seemed like an airliner’s gentle glide path on “long finals”. (This is also borne out by the fact that in 2008, the balance of payments crisis unfolded over a few short months, with monthly foreign exchange reserve depletion averaging, at $900m, nearly twice the level in the current episode.) Even though many of us have been taught to think of the exchange rate as “just another price”, the decline beyond 100 still left a lot of people with a sinking feeling. For one school of thought, the exchange rate is a reflection of the overall health of the economy, and in Pakistan’s current circumstances of capital flight of every kind, especially from Karachi, the rationalisation that the rupee’s slide will be good for our balance of payments and longer-term investment prospects may be overly simplistic and a touch too optimistic. It has taken the Pakistani rupee 66 years to get here. But, as most readers would be aware, the rupee has really been on a slippery slope since the 1990s. From an exchange rate of Rs21.85 to a US dollar on July 1, 1990, the rupee has lost nearly 80pc of its value. In comparison, the Indian rupee has lost roughly 60pc of its value, and the Bangladeshi taka approximately 51pc over the same period. The bulk of the precipitous erosion in the rupee’s value has occurred since mid-2008, with the currency losing roughly 40pc. The severe pressure on the rupee in 2008 (and continually since then) occurred due to a number of factors. Briefly, these included: • A strong overvaluation of the rupee, brought on by the Musharraf government’s policy of keeping the exchange rate stable over a long period of time; • Imports rising faster than exports due to the nature of policies pursued in the 2003-7 period; • The “super spike” in international oil and commodity prices since 2006-07; • A sharp fall in foreign direct investment (FDI) from its peak; • A steep reduction in net transfers from external sources; • Persistent capital flight; • A loss of export markets due to Pakistan’s internal security and energy situation. Going forward, the fall in the rupee’s value can be arrested in the medium term by undertaking meaningful economic reforms which will improve our external competitiveness. A number of concomitant measures will be needed to stabilise the external payments position. Reducing dependence on expensive energy imports by rationalising the fuel mix will be increasingly important in keeping pressure on the balance of payments in check. (It will also be a critical element in improving the competitiveness of Pakistan’s exports.) Agricultural productivity will play a crucial role as well, both in reducing the bloated food import bill and in generating exportable surpluses. Any improvement in Karachi’s plight and in the overall investment environment will help in arresting capital flight as well as attracting foreign interest and investment at a later stage. A resumption of the government’s privatisation programme could also afford an opportunity to kick-start FDI, which could act as a catalyst for more potential investment from abroad. As the battering of India’s currency demonstrates, there is no escape from pursuing a course of serious, credible and meaningful institutional as well as structural reforms. The writer is a former economic adviser to the government, and currently heads a macroeconomic consultancy based in Islamabad.
Recount saves a whole system By Asha’ar Rehman “A THOUSAND rupees yielding no worthwhile results,” said the gentleman after he had undergone some blood tests to find out if all was okay with him. He had only agreed to the test under pressure from his well-wishers, and the results found him to be in perfect good health and in spirits to crack a joke about it, post-event.. Quite like the reaction of those who cannot help make fun of the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf’s (PTI) second (and decisive?) defeat in a Punjab Assembly seat in Lahore on Wednesday. The constituency was the surprise package in the Aug 22 by-elections. It was predicted the PML-N could face some fight at other places where by-polls were being held. The N-League deputed its stalwarts to various constituencies, primarily to stave off the PTI’s challenge. But Lahore was home and secure. That was by and large true. It was a walk in the park for PML-N nominees in the city on Aug 22, bar PP-150. As results from polling stations came in, the PTI was winning the seat — until it lost the race right at the very end. Mian Marghoob Ahmed, a custodian of the PML-N tiger, survived, even if by a thin margin. The PTI was denied a victory that could really have boosted its prospects in Punjab, and in the Sharif fortress of Lahore, after a lackadaisical performance since the holding of general elections in May. The PTI realised the importance of winning in Lahore and had given the seat its best shot. It had a case for recount given that the difference was of 370-odd votes. Had it been another city and a less prominent lieutenant than Mian Marghoob, the PML-N might have more readily seen logic in the PTI’s simple request for a re-tallying of the votes. Eventually, Imran Khan’s workers had to depend on the experience of former Jamaat hands to force the issue for them. Via some street protest, it finally managed to have a recount, a three-day affair that was completed on Wednesday. As happens quite often, the second count added to the total of the candidate who had originally been declared the winner. This one found that Mian Marghoob of the PML-N had actually been deprived of some 70 precious votes at the first reading. And it was this reconfirmation of the PML-N victory that spawned all these booing chants by the ungrateful to add to the PTI’s loss. The detractors, the fun-makers, have got it all wrong one more time. The PTI’s loss is democracy’s gain. Just imagine if the outcome of the test forced by the PTI had been different. That could have really strengthened all these reservations that have all too politely been expressed over the conduct of the May 11 general election. There were hundreds of national and provincial constituencies at stake in the general election in May. The PTI chose to list elections on many of these as suspect in its thick white paper. But eventually, it was PP-150 that was to provide the sampling so desperately required to vindicate a whole general poll. It was not about two candidates or two parties, but about a system’s ability to sustain democracy. It should not thus bother people that some energy and other resources were spent on the marathon recount exercise undertaken earlier this week. Instead, felicitations are due to the recounting staff for having saved the country from disaster. They eventually managed to pull us out of a potential political marsh after long hours of suspense. It could all have taken a turn towards a crisis. On the day the recount was to begin, the media reported four bags of ballots had gone missing. This delayed the process and when a recurrence of the disappearance was avoided the second day, that was a cause for some kind of a mini- celebration. The paper had to emphatically put in the point that the second day of the count had passed without “disturbance” — choosing to insert a word that is normally found in reports of polling and not recount exercises. The seven-hour delay, allegedly because of the four missing bags on the first day, had added an element of the unknown to the task. But that it took the staff three days is another indicator of the sensitivity surrounding their assignment. If the PTI workers were upset with what they called mismanagement on part of the Election Commission of Pakistan officials, even the more independent types were not thrilled by the news which said that when the recount began at 4pm on the first day, only eight out of a total of 147 presiding officers required to be present were there in the returning officer’s room. Consequently, the votes cast in only those eight polling stations could be recounted. There were a few dozen ballot papers bearing an extra stamp or no stamp at all but lest anyone were allowed to bring the system into disrepute over these minor points, the dubious ballots were shared by both the PML-N candidate and his PTI challenger. For a reminder of how close the system was to being endangered, the second day of the recount brought its own evidence. Even though the disturbing part had been overcome by then, the real threat to democracy reared its head in the form of a lead for PTI’s Mehr Wajid Azeem. At draw on the second day of the tense marathon, Azeem was ahead of Mian Marghoob by 414 votes with some 47 polling stations still to be counted. That was a close shave which must entail an even closer watch on the proceedings. If the system has to be improved, the debate about its improvement must ignore the current bad losers and focus on the next election. The writer is Dawn’s resident editor in Lahore.
Asking for the moon By Irfan Husain AS the elusive search for peace in Karachi continues, with Nawaz Sharif attempting to forge a consensus, it is becoming increasingly obvious that there are no easy answers, no quick fixes.. And it’s not just Karachi, but most of Sindh that seems to have become dysfunctional. A combination of corruption, criminality and poor governance has made the province an administrative black hole. A column I wrote about wanting to reclaim the PPP from the mafia that currently controls it (Dude, where’s my party?) drew many responses, as did my piece last week about the stark socio-economic contrast in Sindh. Here’s an excerpt from one written by Farhana Maoji, a businesswoman friend in Karachi: “To my beopaari mind it seems so obvious — they [the PPP] have the power and the resources … they just have to do their jobs — nothing more — and they are on to a winner. The fact that we both know that it is probably not going to happen is the tragedy. If they just worked while they were in office instead of looking at everything with a view to trying to work out what they can skim out of it would make a gigantic difference…” Another old friend who runs an NGO in Sindh puts similar thoughts in a less elegant way: “You better start looking for another party because your current one will be flushed down the drain in 2018 — along with all the stinking s--- that’s floating around in rural Sindh and Karachi.” A primary schoolteacher who has asked not be named sent this harrowing description of ground realities in rural Sindh. I am quoting him here without corrections: “… do you know govt provides course books free of cost, but in every school head master charges 20 rupees from each student and supervisors have also share from that money. In mostly schools teachers pay 1,000 rupees to head masters and in return they are allowed to remain absent. V just got school management fund for maintenance of school but not a single rupee will be spent on school, that will go in the pockets of headmaster and supervisor… “In our village … govt middle school is occupied by police now it is a police station, even quarters of basic health unit has become the residence of SHO, DSP respectively. In high school, there are 20 teachers, no single teacher is ready to come to school … headmaster gets 3000/5000 rupees from each teacher. Only 4 unqualified matriculate boys teach at high school level. This is the plight of education!” Clearly, things have not reached such a pass overnight. Decades of poor governance are needed to cause this level of decay and deterioration. It is common knowledge that politicians fight to get the education portfolio because they can charge huge amounts to appoint schoolteachers; there are additional benefits by way of development funds and foreign aid. In a way, everybody in the system benefits. Ministers, bureaucrats, headmasters, supervisors and teachers all have their little khanchas, or fiddles. The only ones to get short-changed are the students. Given this state of affairs, it should hardly surprise us that, according to a British Council report, half of all Pakistani schoolchildren cannot read a single sentence; 25 million children do not get a primary education; and a third of all Pakistanis have spent less than two years at school. Alarmingly, 30,000 school buildings are so poorly maintained that they are dangerous; 21,000 schools have no buildings at all. If these are national figures, rest assured that the situation is even worse in Sindh where local waderas, or feudals, routinely take over the local school buildings for their own pleasures. And this is the class that fills our national and provincial assemblies with public representatives. Returning to the PPP and its awful track record in governance, one has to be naïve or hopelessly optimistic to expect the party to get its act together. Corruption is as deeply ingrained in its ethos as spots are imprinted on a leopard’s skin. And to make matters worse, Sindh, for some reason, seems more prone to institutionalised venality than the other provinces. I know that Pakistan has a very poor reputation in fiscal probity, but in three decades of government service, my experience was that Sindh is blighted by more corruption than the rest of the country. Politicians and bureaucrats alike seem to feel it’s their right to make hay while they are in office. They live openly beyond their means, and there is absolutely no stigma attached to their lavish lifestyle. Again, based on my experience, I have often felt that many of our problems are not due to a lack of resources, but a shortage of political will. The fact is that even the pittance that is allocated to education does not get spent due to bureaucratic incompetence. And as unspent funds revert to the exchequer at the end of the fiscal year, it is criminal that we are unable to utilise the money that is earmarked for education. If the PPP government wishes to actually perform over the next five years, it will need to alter its mindset. It is necessary to have an education minister with a clean reputation, and he needs to look for a few equally honest and efficient civil servants to head his department. No political interference or sifarish would be accepted under this dispensation. I realise this is not going to happen in my lifetime. Conditions that exist elsewhere as a matter of routine are viewed as impossibly idealistic in Pakistan — 26 countries poorer than Pakistan manage to have more children in classrooms than we do. Asking the PPP government in Sindh to just get on and do its job is apparently asking for the moon. irfan.husain@gmail.com
Parliament’s vote By A.G. Noorani BY any standard, the vote in Britain’s House of Commons on Aug 29 was a historic one. Its effects will be felt, and its significance better appreciated, with the passage of time. . By a narrow majority of 285 votes to 272, the house rejected the government’s motion on military intervention in Syria though it was hedged with qualifications. The motion called for a “strong humanitarian response” from the international community that “may, if necessary, require military action that is legal, proportionate and focused on saving lives by preventing and deterring further use of Syria’s chemical weapons”. It also said that a UN “process must be followed as far as possible to ensure the maximum legitimacy for any such action,” and further, the secretary- general “should ensure a briefing to the United Nations Security Council immediately upon the completion of the observer team’s initial mission”. Besides, “before any direct British involvement in such action, a further vote of the House of Commons will take place”. The house remained sceptical, despite all these reservations. The vote is in the great tradition of British parliamentary practice in which members of the ruling party revolt against the government of the day. The most famous incident was on May 8, 1940 during the Second World War when prime minister Neville Chamberlain had to resign. The government had a majority of 81; but over 30 Conservatives voted with the Labour and Liberal oppositions and a further 60 abstained. Leopold Amery, a close colleague of Chamberlain, quoted Oliver Cromwell’s words to the Long Parliament: “You have sat too long here for any good you have been doing. Depart, I say, and let us have done with you. In the name of God, go!” Lloyd George, a former Liberal Prime Minister during the First World War, seized on Chamberlain’s call for sacrifice to wound him. “I say solemnly that the prime minister should give an example of sacrifice, because there is nothing which can contribute more to victory in this war than that he should sacrifice the seals of office.” When he sat down the prime minister’s fate was sealed. Anthony Eden’s bid to capture the Suez Canal in 1956, in complicity with Israel, eventually forced him out of office as prime minister well after the ceasefire. The fiasco convinced Tory grandees as well as the backbenchers that his shelf life had expired. In 1990 Margaret Thatcher resigned though she beat the challenge to the party leadership easily because as many as 60 MPs refused to vote for her. She had been weakened by deputy prime minister Sir Geoffrey Howe’s brilliant resignation speech in the House a few weeks earlier. The party was convinced that, what with her stand on the poll tax, she would lead them to disaster in the next elections. She had to go. However, this was preceded by a series of rebuffs in 1988. On Jan 12, the government’s majority of 101 was cut to 47 when several Tories voted against the freeze on child benefits and many more abstained. Three nights later, Tory MPs defied a three-line whip to vote against a private member’s bill on protection of information and the government’s majority fell to 37. About 19 of them voted in favour of the bill, about 50 more abstained in deliberate defiance of the whip. Some former ministers were among the rebels. On April 18, the government narrowly escaped a humiliating defeat when its majority slumped to 25 on the final reading of the poll tax bill. Now for the lessons, since South Asia has adopted the parliamentary model. To begin with, such revolts are unthinkable, at least in India. Since the MP gets his party’s ticket for the elections from the party boss, he lacks the very capacity to revolt even if he wished to do so. It would mean political suicide. In the UK, political parties are organised constituency-wise and it is the constituency association which awards the party ticket after interviews and an internal poll. On Eden’s resignation from the House of Commons, more than 250 candidates applied. All were rejected. A candidate was selected from a new shortlist — without any reference to the leaders in London. In India, as elsewhere in the developing world, a democratic constitution is worked by undemocratic parties, who are governed by party bosses. The British parliament was recalled especially for the debate on Syria as it is for any urgent legislation. No democracy outside South Asia empowers its government to make laws by promulgating ordinances; a Raj relic which our leaders merrily adopted. In the realm of foreign affairs the after-effects of the seismic vote will be felt for long. In March 1955 in the last week of his premiership, Churchill confided to an old friend and confidante, Violet Bonham Carter, “we must never get out of step with the Americans – never” (italics in the original). That doctrine, and the “special relationship” it fostered, is now all but dead. The ripples are felt even in France, now hailed as America’s “oldest ally”. In 2003, France’s opposition to the attack on Iraq made many Americans shun French fries. But, as the BBC reported from Paris, opinion on a war with Syria is sharply divided — as indeed is public opinion in the US itself. All dissenters are encouraged by the British vote. Its effect on the future of the British government remains to be seen. Prime Minister David Cameron, though bloodied, was unbowed: “I strongly believe in the need for a tough response to the use of chemical weapons. But I also believe in respecting the will of this House of Commons.” As he recognised, the vote simply reflected public opinion. President Barack Obama’s options promise no political gains for him. The writer is an author and a lawyer.
Small step down a long road By Abbas Nasir HAVE you ever wondered why there is so little balance in so many of our views? Things can’t always be all good or all bad. But that is how we see them.. Consider Thursday’s lunch hosted by the prime minister at his official residence to say farewell to the president who completes his term of office in another day or two. Everybody, well not quite everyone as the PTI decided to stay away, thought it was a good idea. Till here the consensus-seeking prime minister got a consensus. Onwards, the views as gathered from electronic and social media were divergent and polarised. Some people were gushing at how Nawaz Sharif spoke of Asif Zardari and how the latter reciprocated. Others expressed utter and total disdain at the jhoot (lie), the farce being played out and used language like “one chor (thief) telling the other we left you free to plunder now you return the compliment”. So, where do you stand? Was it the beginning of a grand political tradition in the country or was it a mere farce, yet another muk mukaa (give and take), as Imran Khan calls it, by politicians many of whom wish to seek and/or afford space to each other for loot and plunder? Let me share my two bits’ worth. I think it was the start of a nice tradition but it was also an object lesson to politicians to say whatever they like during their public appearances (election-related or otherwise) but to keep the discourse civilised; not least because TV is a cruel, unforgiving medium. Some smart producers juxtaposed the prime minister’s tributes to the president’s “sagacity, political accommodation and personal warmth” with Mr Sharif’s campaign speeches where his criticism of Mr Zardari was in terms most unkind. Hence, some decried what they called hypocrisy. If you add the language used by the prime minister’s brother and the Punjab supremo Shahbaz Sharif to the argument you could take the debate anywhere you wished. Was this the reason that all through the lunch whenever the camera cut to him the Punjab chief minister seemed to be in a sulk? Whether Shahbaz Sharif was sulking because of what he seemed to be reading or he didn’t agree with what the elder brother was saying and was simply embarrassed to be part of a day to honour a man he had pledged to string up from the nearest tree barely a few months earlier we’ll never know. What we do know is that as the day (to me at least) represented some form of a milestone, a (mini) coming of age of our politicians, they will have to watch what they say, what they promise in public. For there can be no greater discomfort to them than their words being played in a loop by the media. Although some commentators have given credit to the PML-N’s media management for the lack of discussion on stories such as that of the exit of party stalwart in Sindh Syed Ghous Ali Shah, it is equally true sometimes the governing party’s media handling is shambolic. One need look no further than the ‘leaked story’ earlier this week as the cabinet met to decide how to restore peace to Karachi. The story said that an officer said to be close to the PML-N had been posted to replace the PPP-appointed Sindh police chief. When PPP leaders and the Sindh cabinet spokesman reacted angrily to the news, Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan not only denied it but also criticised the media for airing a story which wasn’t based on facts. It has to be the province’s decision not ours, he added. A few hours later PML-N MNA Dr Tariq Chaudhry, who often speaks for the party, claimed credit for political accommodation saying the decision was reversed after the Sindh government expressed unhappiness with it. We’re not likely to ever know what actually happened. Regardless of these blips and bumps, the PML-N has got its optics more or less correct inasmuch as its interaction with the provinces is concerned. Soon after the polls, for the leadership to say they respected the verdict in provinces where, despite not being the biggest party, there was a numerical possibility for the PML-N to form governments was a welcome move. What few commentators have so far acknowledged is that it was an astute move too. Sindh’s mandate was unambiguous. But there was no outright majority winner in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. The PML-N left the dire challenges there for other parties, even as it looked good and democratic. The coming months will put its avowed belief in political accommodation and provincial autonomy to serious test. For instance, how long does one expect a nationalist-led Balochistan government to look the other way as the state pursues its kidnap, kill and dump policy with gusto? Why does a PML-N government committed to a ‘dialogue first’ policy with the TTP think differently about Baloch separatists particularly when the state is clearly culpable in pushing the Baloch to the wall? (And no I don’t condone but condemn the murder of innocent non-Baloch in the province too.) Also, one earnestly hopes the Karachi operation is conducted sensibly and even-handedly so that it doesn’t trigger unnecessary controversy. Otherwise, the moment the ‘team captain’ is made to feel like the 12th man, the exercise can potentially descend into a province-centre row. The prime minister’s farewell for the president was not a dramatic development but a small step towards celebrating democratic order in the country. Such an environment will only acquire permanence when each one of us acquires the ability to be tolerant of and appreciate diversity. The writer is a former editor of Dawn. abbas.nasir@hotmail.com
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