DWS, Sunday 17th November to Saturday 23rd November 2013

	DWS, Sunday 17th November to Saturday 23rd November 2013
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NATIONAL NEWS
Ashura clashes turn Pindi into ghost town By Mohammad Asghar and Aamir Yasin RAWALPINDI, Nov 16: For the second year in a row, Muharram has brought death and destruction to Rawalpindi. . Last year, a suicide bomber struck a procession in the heart of Rawalpindi while this year the city’s own residents were behind violent clashes on Friday between Deobandi activists and Shia mourners in Raja Bazaar that led to death of nine people and forced the government to impose curfew. By Saturday morning the city had been sealed off from Islamabad by containers and the imposition of curfew had ensured that most streets and roads remained empty and quiet. Only military and police personnel roamed the ghost town. All major roads within Rawalpindi were blocked by containers and markets remained closed. The hapless people of the main Raja Bazaar, where the conflagration had begun on Friday, had remained confined to their houses for over 24 hours by Saturday evening. Though the curfew was relaxed in the evening from 6pm to 6:30pm, shops were not opened so there was little opportunity for residents to replenish their stocks. The curfew was again relaxed in the night from 9pm to 12 midnight. Commissioner Khalid Masood Chaudhry told Dawn that the government had not yet decided to lift the curfew or further extend it for another 24 hours. He said that the announcement would be made after a review of the situation. Public transport also remained absent. A few – but very few – private vehicles were seen on the roads. Intelligence sources and eyewitnesses said the crisis began in the afternoon when the mourning procession of Ashura reached Fawara Chowk where its participants heard the remarks of Maulana Shakirullah, a local Imam who was giving the Friday speech from the Mosque and Madressah Taleemul Quran (known as Maulvi Ghulamullah wali Masjid). A follower of the Deobandi school of thought, the imam made harsh and offensive comments against the Shia community. It was unfortunate that though the City District Government Rawalpindi (CDGR) had banned the use of loudspeaker (except for giving Azan and the Friday sermon in Arabic), this ban was violated by the mosque administration despite the presence of police and local administration. It is not clear what happened after this. While some eyewitnesses claim that the Shia participants of the procession (including about 100 youngsters from Parachinar and other parts of Kurram Agency) instigated the violence by pelting stones on the mosque, others claim that the students and people in the Madressah were the first to throw stones. SITUATION WORSENS: Regardless of who cast the first stone, the clash soon intensified shortly after which gunfire was exchanged. “During the clash, the police tried to overpower the angry mob but they were outnumbered. Some of the young men snatched the policemen’s rifles and emptied the weapons on their opponents,” Abdul Waheed, an eyewitness, told Dawn. He said that after the exchange of fire, the mob set fire to the mosque which was located above the Madina and Makkah Markets. The markets were located on the ground floor and sold fabric. Later they ransacked the market. The mob set fire to two main fabric markets, including more than 100 shops, four private banks, smashed windowpanes of buildings at an adjacent bazaar. It also attacked the police and three Imambargahs in different parts of the city. The mob violence in the midst of gunfire was extreme enough to strike fear in the city’s residents – despite the ban on cellphone services, the news of the clash spread like wild fire (partly thanks to the electronic media) and added to the strength of the two clashing groups. “Some of the people inside the mosque managed to escape through back door,” said a police official who was present on the spot. The part of the procession that had already passed by the mosque and was ahead of the violence managed to reach Imambargah Qadeemi three kilometres away. However, those in the rear never made it to the destination. The nine deaths took place at this location as well as the bulk of the injuries. By the evening the army was called in. Rescue workers also turned up to shift the injured and dead to the nearby District Headquarters Hospital. The fire brigade vehicles battled the blaze in the cloth market as it was spreading towards other adjoining markets. The clashes on the other hand spread to other areas of the city where Deobandi activists attacked Imambargah Haideria in Ratta Amral; Imambargah Col Maqbool on College Road, Imambargah Hifazat Ali Shah in Bohar Bazaar and Qadeemi Imambargah at the Jamia Masjid Road. Three more people were injured during these attacks. The army was deployed at these places but after failing to control the situation, it was decided by the government that curfew would be imposed. Regional Police Officer (RPO) Zaheen Iqbal Sheikh told Dawn that the curfew was imposed to avert further clash as the police and administration feared that when people gathered for the funeral of those killed on Friday the situation would lead to further violence. The RPO did not provide any details about the investigations carried out by the police, nor did he say how many people had been arrested.
25 injured in Multan riots By Shakeel Ahmad and Gulzar Ahmad Chaudhry MULTAN, Nov 16: About 25 people were injured here on Saturday after riots erupted over alleged use of objectionable slogans by some in a mourning procession.. Sheikh Tahir Amjad, a resident of the walled city, lodged a complaint with Haram Gate police that Ali Gardezi and two unidentified people had used “abusive language against revered personalities” during the procession. According to Punjab Shia Ulema Council’s deputy information secretary Bisharat Abbas Qureshi, a procession was taken out from Androon Lohari Gate. When the demonstrators reached Chowk Clock Tower, some of them resorted to acts “regarded as sacrilegious” by Shias. They also held a sit-in at Bohar Gate. A former provincial minister and MPA, Haji Ehsanuddin Qureshi, negotiated with the demonstrators and urged them to disperse because police had registered a case under Section 298-A. In the meantime, another group reached Chowk Shaheedan and forced shopkeepers to pull down their shutters. When the shopkeepers called police instead, the protesters pelted them with stones and resorted to shooting. Yet another group of people gathered at Daulat Gate and hurled rocks at an Imambargah. The protesters also tried to stage a demonstration on the Railway Road, but police dispersed them. Four people were injured in the shooting at Imambargah Husainabad and were taken to Nishtar Hospital. When the administration called out troops, the enraged protesters started attacking policemen. According to Rescue 1122, six people were injured in the clash at Clock Tower Chowk, seven at Daulat Gate and one at Nala Wali Mohammad. At least 25 injured people, including three policemen, were taken to the Nishtar Hospital – seven of them with bullet injuries. The condition of Awais, Habibur Rehman, Naeem and Ghulam Abbas was stated to be serious. Later in the day, the official vehicle of Commissioner Syed Ali Murtaza came under attack by protesters. Four motorcycles were set on fire in various areas. Stick-wielding protesters forced traders to shut their shops and kept roaming the roads and streets. Police used teargas and batons to stop them from arson. A number of roads were blocked by setting fire to tyres and other objects. BAHAWALNAGAR: The army took over control of Chishtian as tension gripped the town after furious protesters vandalised a place of worship on Friday. Ten people, including seven policemen, were injured in Haroonabad and Chishtian in violence during a strike on Saturday. According to sources, Sunni Ulema in Chishtian complained to the administration that a Zakir had made objectionable remarks in a speech during a procession on Tuesday. They said clerics from both sides and the administration agreed that the ‘controversial person’ would be gagged. However, Sunnis held a demonstration on Friday since he was allowed to speak during the Ashura procession. When the situation deteriorated, the DPO and DCO rushed to Chishtian and the latter ordered expulsion of the Zakir from the district. An FIR was registered against Irshad Shamsi, Zeeshan Ahmad, Zahid Najaf and Younis Ghazi on the protesters’ demand. Yet thousands of people ransacked an Imambargah and set it on fire. They also blocked the town’s main roads for over six hours and continued protesting till late in the night. Troops were also called out in Haroonabad after workers of a banned group held a protest and clashed with police. A policeman and three students were injured. In Bahawalnagar, club-wielding workers of a banned organisation forcibly shut down shops and thrashed shopkeepers who did not oblige.
Security forces told to be on alert By Amir Wasim ISLAMABAD: Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan held an emergency meeting of security and intelligence officials on Saturday to review the law and order situation and asked them to “remain alert and deployed” in Rawalpindi, as well as other sensitive places, to counter any attempt to stir sectarian trouble.. In a statement issued earlier in the day, the minister apologised to the nation for the inconvenience caused by suspension of cellphone service on the ninth and tenth of Muharram. Although the service was restored in the rest of the country, it remained shut in Rawalpindi. According to sources, authorities have decided to keep the service in Rawalpindi suspended for an indefinite period. Punjab Law Minister Rana Sanaullah and his two colleagues also attended the meeting. The chief secretary, the inspector general of police and senior officials of intelligence agencies and Rawalpindi administration were among others who were present. Expressing sorrow over the loss of lives and property in Rawalpindi on the Ashura day, the minister asked the administration to identify the culprits and bring them to justice. He also ordered a broad, transparent inquiry to identify the perpetrators and conspirators planning to disturb sectarian harmony. The meeting deliberated upon relaxing curfew in Rawalpindi and urged the law-enforcement agencies to remain alert and deployed. It also called upon ulema from all sects to play a positive role for peace and harmony. The Rawalpindi administration was asked to evaluate the losses for compensation. The participants appealed for calm and sought people’s cooperation in identifying the culprits. In his statement, the minister praised the law-enforcement agencies for their untiring efforts to maintain peace and ensure security throughout the country during Muharram processions. He said timely action of the agencies in Islamabad, Karachi, Kot Addu, Chaman and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa had averted unfortunate incidents. He said if the nation, religious scholars, media and law-enforcement agencies continued showing the same unity, the government would soon be able to safeguard the lives and property of people. MAULANA FAZL: The interior minister also talked to Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman by telephone and assured him that the government would take all possible measures to protect the lives and property of people. JUI-F spokesman Jan Achakzai told Dawn that the Maulana had asked Chaudhry Nisar to immediately announce the names of the members of a judicial commission the government had announced for holding an inquiry into the Raja Bazaar incident. Maulana Fazl alleged that the administration had not intervened in time and fire brigade vehicles had not been sent, resulting in deaths and losses.
US advises investors to explore energy sector By Anwar Iqbal WASHINGTON, Nov 16: The US administration has joined the Pakistani government in urging American investors to invest in Pakistan, says the State Department.. In a statement issued here on Friday, the State Department said that Federal Minister for Petroleum Shahid Khaqan Abbasi and US Ambassador in Islamabad Richard Olson made this appeal at a recent conference in Houston, Texas. They told representatives from international oil and service companies that Pakistan was an attractive place to invest, particularly in offshore gas exploration, equipment provision, and LNG supply. The US Embassy in Islamabad organised a three-day trade mission in Houston this week, enabling Pakistani officials and businessmen to discuss exploration and production and LNG business opportunities with US and international firms. More than 100 energy sector representatives participated in the trade mission. The Houston Mayor’s office, which held a reception for the participants, highlighted the robust business and trade relationship between Pakistan and Houston (around $275 million annually) and the Houston-Karachi sister city relationship. Mr Abbasi spoke about the government’s trade-not-just-aid policy in his interaction with US business representatives. Pakistani delegates also visited sites that displayed cutting edge technology and equipment. This is the first trade mission organised by the United States since the re-launch of the Strategic Dialogue and builds on the US-Pakistan business opportunities conference in Dubai in June.
Violence claims six lives in Karachi By Our Staff Reporter KARACHI, Nov 16: Amid the ongoing ‘Karachi operation’ led by Rangers, six people were killed in the city on Saturday.. Violence claimed two lives in Orangi Town while four people, including a policeman, were killed and at least six others injured in a day-long gunbattle between armed gangs in Lyari. An official at Iqbal Market police station said armed men on two motorcycles targeted two men in Raees Amrohvi Colony of Orangi Town’s Sector 11½ when they were sitting outside one of the victims’ house. “There were four men on two motorbikes,” said Sub-Inspector Shahid Kaleem, quoting witnesses. “Shots were fired at Abdul Sami and Noor Alam while they were sitting outside Sami’s home. Both sustained bullet wounds and died on the spot. The victims, who were in late 50s, were close friends and Sami was associated with the MQM’s Buzurg (Veterans) Committee.” Police remained clueless about the motive behind the killings, but they did not rule out a targeted attack on political grounds. Fear gripped the densely-populated area after the incident as shopkeepers pulled down shutters and vehicles gradually disappeared from streets. Police said they had found several empty casings of 9mm bullets from the crime scene. Earlier in the day, at least four people, a policeman among them, were killed after violence returned to Lyari when armed gangs exchanged fire. The gangs also used rockets and hand-grenades as a ‘ceasefire’, which was said to be a result of ‘talks between rival groups’, turned out to be short-lived, officials and sources said. Although authorities claimed to have controlled the situation after multiple raids and arrests, life remained suspended till late in the night as people preferred to stay indoors amid persistent gunfire in areas around Kalri Road, Slaughter House Road, Singo Lane, Farid Shah Colony, Gulistan Colony, Ahmed Shah Bukhari Road, Bihar Colony, Al Falah Road, Phool Patti Lane, Mirza Adam Khan Road and Edu Lane. “The fresh incident is part of an ongoing rivalry between Baba Ladla and Uzair Baloch gangs,” said DIG South Abdul Khaliq Sheikh. “I will not say that the situation is completely under control, but it is much better than last (Friday) night. The gangsters are still there and fighting, but this time we are hitting back.”
Militancy, economy major challenges, says PM COLOMBO, Nov 16: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has said that PML-N government is committed to introducing a long-term strategy for sustained and inclusive growth by providing equal opportunities to all Pakistanis.. He was addressing the first executive session of the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting here on Friday on the theme of “Growth and Equity: Inclusive Development”. The prime minister noted that equitable development was one of the most significant contemporary challenges confronting the world at large and the Commonwealth in particular. He said Pakistan was faced with challenges of weak economy, poverty, acute energy shortages, successive natural calamities and rising militancy, and assured the meeting that his government was determined to address these issues urgently and simultaneously. The aspirations and dynamism of people had strengthened his resolve to steer Pakistan towards a new and bright future, he added. The prime minister announced a $100,000 special donation for the newly established Commonwealth Youth Council (CYC). The contribution is intended to fund youth-led development projects of the CYC in its early years. The council was launched during the 9th Commonwealth Youth Forum. The newly established autonomous body would serve as the representative voice of 1.2 billion young people in Commonwealth and provide a framework for youth-led development initiatives. The government of Sri Lanka has offered to host the secretariat of CYC. Earlier, speaking on the agenda item relating to “Climate Change Financing”, Mr Sharif said climate change was a defining reality of our time and called for a multi-pronged and revitalised global partnership for generating the needed financing to confront its effects. He proposed formation of global policies to motivate the private sector, enhanced availability of grants and soft loans to the public sector and early operationalisation of the “Green Climate Fund”. Mr Sharif attended the opening ceremony of the summit along with other heads of government. He attended the lunch hosted by Prince Charles, the Prince of Wales, for a select group of Commonwealth heads and also held bilateral meetings with Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott, Sri Lanka’s President Mahinda Rajapaksa and New Zealand’s Premier John Key. During his meeting with Mr Key on Saturday, Mr Sharif emphasised the need for enhanced trade and investment between Pakistan and New Zealand. He invited New Zealand’s investors to invest in power generation, infrastructure development, housing, mining, oil and gas, information technology, agriculture and dairy farming sectors in Pakistan. In this regard, he highlighted the need for opening of New Zealand High Commission in Islamabad. The two leaders also discussed the regional situation. Prime Minister Key extended an invitation to Prime Minister Sharif to visit New Zealand at his convenience. During his meeting with President Rajapaksa, Mr Sharif offered that Pakistan’s government or its private sector could set up sugar mills in Sri Lanka.—APP
Cameron’s tirade on ‘war crimes’ angers Rajapaksa By Frances Bulathsinghala COLOMBO, Nov 16: Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa made it clear on Saturday there was no room for an international inquiry into charges of war crimes and other human rights violations against his country, as there were ongoing independent domestic inquiries as per the recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission. . “Is it a crime to have saved lives…? People were dying. We stopped it. Pressure will not help. It is better to make a request. “At any rate, we are ready to face any allegations from anyone. We have nothing to hide,” a combative Rajapaksa told the media after the conclusion of a ‘Retreat’ of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) here. He was replying to British Prime Minister David Cameron’s statement that the UK would press the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) to demand an independent international inquiry into alleged human rights abuses by Sri Lankan forces. Rajapaksa said: “People in glass houses should not throw stones.” He did not elaborate, but he clearly had in mind the atrocities committed by the Western allies in Iraq and other Middle Eastern countries. The Sri Lankan president said the issues involved were deep, and these could not be resolved in such a short time. Sri Lanka had gone through a 30-year-long conflict and the war had ended only four years ago, he pointed out. “The processes relating to reconciliation are on, and they need to be given sufficient time to be completed,” he said. AFP adds: Cameron effectively put Sri Lanka on notice to address the allegations within months or else he would lead a push for action at the UN. He warned his host that pressure over the alleged abuses was not about to go away. Cameron, who made a historic visit to the former war zone on Friday, also spoke of how he had ‘frank’ exchanges with Rajapaksa on his return from there. “The Sri Lankan government needs to go further and faster on human rights and reconciliation,” he told a press conference. The UN and rights group say as many as 40,000 civilians may have been killed in the final stages of the war in May 2009 when Tamil Tiger rebels were crushed by government troops. Cameron said Rajapaksa wanted more time to address the claims but told him to deliver by March or else he would push for an international investigation through UN human rights bodies. In an interview, the powerful Economic Development Minister Basil Rajapaksa — who is also the president’s brother — totally rejected the idea of foreign investigators operating on Sri Lankan soil. “Why should we have an international inquiry?” he said. “Definitely, we are not going to allow it.” Asked about Cameron’s March deadline, the minister said: “They can’t give dates. It is not fair.” Cameron upstaged the first day of the three-day meeting by travelling to Jaffna, which bore the brunt of the 37-year war, meeting local ethnic Tamils who lost loved ones or were left homeless. He was the first foreign leader to visit Jaffna since Sri Lanka, a former British colony, gained independence in 1948. While Sri Lanka had hoped the summit would showcase its revival since troops from the mainly Sinhalese government crushed the Tigers, Cameron’s visit and boycotts have torpedoed its strategy. After detailing how leaders had spent the day addressing topics such as debt relief and youth issues, the Commonwealth’s Secretary General Kamalesh Sharma was asked to explain the widespread absence of leaders. Only 27 heads of government are attending the 53-nation bloc’s biennial summit. “As far as the outcomes are concerned, you will find at the end of this CHOGM, that it has been very productive, and it has been very meaningful and successful,” said Sharma, seated alongside Rajapaksa.
JF-17 Thunder to take part in Dubai air show ATTOCK, Nov 16: The Pakistan Air Force would participate in Dubai Air Show 2013 starting on Sunday, said a press release issued by the PAF’s public relations directorate on Saturday.. It said three JF-17 Thunder and Super Mushshak aircraft along with the PAF’s contingent comprising pilots and technicians would take part in the show. The JF-17 Thunder aircraft, jointly co-developed by PAF and China Aero-Technology Import Export Corporation (Catic) and co-produced by Pakistan Aeronautical Complex Kamra and Catic, has been put up for static as well as aerial display. This year the Dubai Air Show is being held at Dubai World Central Airport instead of Dubai International Airport. More than 200 companies from all over the world will be displaying their aviation products and aircraft. —Correspondent
A surprise from Nisar: govt to prosecute Musharraf for treason By Khawar Ghumman ISLAMABAD, Nov 17: On a day when the people of Rawalpindi were anxiously waiting for an official announcement about the state of curfew in their city, Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan broke, out of the blue, a jaw-dropping story about his government’s decision to formally prosecute former president General Pervez Musharraf under Article 6 of the Constitution. . Media personnel waited with bated breath at a hurriedly called press conference by the interior minister on Sunday evening to give details about Friday night’s sectarian violence which forced the government to impose a curfew in the garrison city. And as if this wasn’t enough to grab and divert the media attention which was intensively focused on the sectarian killings, Chaudhry Nisar also announced the formation of a three-member FIA committee to investigate what is known as the Asghar Khan case -- distribution of money by agencies among politicians for rigging the 1990 general elections. The Supreme Court had already given a ruling in the case in October 2012, but the previous PPP government virtually sat on it. Analysts and the opposition termed the government’s move a diversionary tactic to cover up its failure to douse the flame of sectarian killings on the Ashura day despite the so-called elaborated security arrangements made by the government across the country. Even before formally starting the press conference, Chaudhry Nisar took media personnel by surprise when he said he had come to speak on an important issue other than the sectarian violence. He advised journalists not to ask any question about the Rawalpindi incident and said he had come to talk about something ‘really important’. In his brief statement on the Rawalpindi violence, the minister said that both the federal and provincial governments were continuously monitoring the situation which, according to him, was under control. He expressed the hope that the situation would improve in a day or two. “I am in constant touch with the Punjab chief minister.” Chaudhry Nisar likened the Rawalpindi incident to the killing of Taliban leader Hakeemullah Mehsud which, he said, had spoiled efforts by the government for a peaceful Muharram. “We worked hard to hold talks with the TTP, but one drone strike destroyed the whole peace process, and now just one incident has overshadowed exemplary coordination and arrangements put in place for Muharram throughout the country.” He said the government had ordered a judicial inquiry into the incident and those found responsible would be taken to task. The government, he added, was in contact with religious scholars of both sides and they were responding well. Sheikh Rashid Ahmad, a member of the National Assembly from Rawalpindi, said that by going ahead with the trial of Gen Musharraf the government only wanted to divert people’s attention from a situation which he warned would turn grave in coming weeks. Defence analyst retired Lt Gen Talat Masood said that by asking the SC for a special court, the government was shifting its responsibility to courts. Jahangir Tarin of Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf said that at a time when the government should focus on the Rawalpindi tragedy it was feeding the media with such stories. Musharraf’s trial: Breaking the real story, Chaudhry Nisar said his ministry would write to the Supreme Court on Monday for setting up a three-member commission comprising high courts judges to start a case against Gen Musharraf under Article 6. However, the government later clarified that the interior minister actually meant to say “setting up a special court under the criminal law amendment act XVII of 1976” for the trial of the former military ruler Article 6. “On the basis of an inquiry report completed by the FIA into the Nov 3, 2007 emergency imposed by the former president, the interior secretary will write to the Chief Justice of Pakistan to nominate three judges of high courts to proceed against the accused,” Chaudhry Nisar said. For prosecution, he said, the government would soon appoint a public prosecutor general. He claimed absolute fairness in the FIA-led inquiry against the former army chief, who at present is a free man after securing bails in multiple cases, and said that the government was going by the book and would present the report of the inquiry before the special court. When asked what action would be taken against people in the then civilian government and military establishment who had helped Gen Musharraf in the imposition of the emergency, the minister said it’s too early to say anything because the three-member special court would take up the case. He refused to share with the media findings of the report which he said would be presented in the special court as evidence against the former president for violating the constitution. A lawyer told Dawn that once the special court was set up the government would use all available resources, including the FIA report, to get Gen Musharraf indicted under treason charges. The former president can also defend himself. “It’s quite a time-consuming process and one shouldn’t expect an immediate outcome of this particular case,” the lawyer said. In another significant announcement, the interior minister said the government had decided to implement the apex court’s decision on the famous Asghar Khan petition. “A three-member committee of well-reputed officials of the FIA will carry out the probe as ordered by the Supreme Court,” he said. “Unlike the previous government, this government will wholeheartedly implement each and every decision of the SC.” In its ruling, the Supreme Court had directed the government to investigate through the FIA how the money (Rs140 million) was distributed by secret agencies among politicians to rig the 1990 general elections which resulted in the formation of the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad government led by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.
Commission formed to investigate sectarian killings By Our Staff Reporter LAHORE, Nov 17: Justice Mamoonur Rashid of the Lahore High Court will start investigation on Monday into the Rawalpindi tragedy in which nine people lost their lives and 50 others suffered injuries during an Ashura procession on Friday.. LHC Chief Justice Umar Ata Bandial named the one-man commission at the request of Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif. The chief minister has also formed a fact-finding committee to look into facts which led ton the incident. Najam Saeed, former chairman of the chief minister’s inspection team, will be convener of the committee which will include prosecution secretary Nadeem Irshad Kiyani and additional IG (investigation) Mohammad Amlish as members. The committee will point out possible loopholes in administrative arrangements and security cover and negligence of law-enforcement personnel accompanying the Ashura procession. It will recommend measures to avert repetition of such violence and submit its report to the chief minister in seven days.
Curfew to end this morning RAWALPINDI: Satisfied with the situation in the city, the Rawalpindi administration decided on Sunday night to lift curfew with effect from Monday (today) morning. . The curfew would be lifted at 6am, District Coordination Officer Sajid Zafar said. But he added that restrictions imposed under Section 144 would remain in force until further orders. Mr Zafar said that government offices and schools would resume their work and private schools and markets in the city could also reopen. Meanwhile, funeral prayers for three people who were killed on Friday in Raja Bazaar were offered at Liaquat Bagh on Sunday amid strict security measures taken by law enforcement personnel.
PTI puts off sit-in against Nato supplies till 23rd Bureau Report PESHAWAR, Nov 17: The Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf and its coalition partners have deferred their planned sit-in against Nato supplies to Nov 23 and decided to take other political forces on board on the issue. The sit-in was to be held in Peshawar on Nov 20. . The decision has been taken in view of the precarious security situation in Punjab in the wake of violence in Rawalpindi and Multan during the Ashura observance. “This is not cancellation but postponement in response to the sensitivities of our people and the acute security situation prevailing in the country,” a statement quoted Imran Khan as saying soon after a joint press conference held here on Sunday by leaders of parties in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa ruling coalition. Before the press conference, a joint action committee comprising leaders of the PTI, Jamaat-i-Islami and Awami Jamhuri Ittehad Pakistan met at Al Markaz-i-Islami in Peshawar to work out a plan for blocking the Nato supplies. According to sources, provincial ministers Shaukat Ali Yousafzai, Mohammad Atif and Shahram Taraki also attended the meeting. The partners had planned to hold the sit-in on Nov 20 on Peshawar’s Ring Road for blocking transportation of food and military hardware to Nato forces in Afghanistan. JI’s provincial general secretary Shabir Ahmad Khan told reporters that a nine-member committee had been constituted for consultations with leaders of other political parties, including the PML-N, and to persuade them to participate in the sit-in. Provincial Health Minister Shaukat Ali Yousafzai and Adviser to the Chief Minister Yaseen Khalil are among the members of the committee. Shabir Khan said the US drone attacks in tribal areas had killed a large number of innocent people, including women and children, and time had come to force the Americans to stop their aggressive actions against Pakistan. “Enough is enough. We have to take serious steps to end drone strikes,” he added. He criticised the federal government’s pro-American policies and said Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif had failed to convince President Obama to stop drone attacks. “It is the federal government’s responsibility to take decisive actions against the drone strikes,” he said.
Kin of Baloch missing persons march on By Saher Baloch THAL, Nov 17: In scorching noon heat, around 25 people quietly walk on the RCD Highway, before stopping for a break at an open air cafe. . The families of the missing, who started their journey on foot on Oct 27, reached Utthal on Saturday, led by Mama Qadeer Baloch, vice-president of an advocacy group named Voice of Missing Baloch Persons (VOMBP). The families continued their journey on Sunday morning, as more people joined them on their way. “We are not doing this for politics or any other ulterior motive. The Balochistan government should stop using the term ‘holding talks’ with the families of missing persons as we do not represent a political party. We are out on the streets because we are being victimised,” argues Farzana Majeed. Sister of a senior office-holder of the Baloch Student Organisation (BSO-Azad), Zakir Majeed Baloch, who has been missing since June 2009 from Mastung, Farzana is among the many young people who are taking part in the long march for the missing men of Balochistan. Holding the pictures of their loved ones tightly, women, and mostly children, make a majority in the group of families that have travelled from various districts and tehsils of Balochistan and are on their way to Karachi. Kohlu, Khuzdar, Mastung, Mashkay, Awaran and Tonp are some of the areas from where young men have gone missing in recent years, according to the VOMBP. The families are participating in the march to ensure safe return of their fathers and brothers. From time to time, the families shouted slogans of “free those who have gone missing”. One of the girls from the crowd spray painted a message on the wall of a deserted plot beside the highway, stating: “Baloch rights are also human rights.” An Edhi ambulance was driving slowly alongside the placard-holding families, which some people said had broken down a day earlier, while an ambulance provided by the Lasbela district government joined the group later. On Saturday, one of the members of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan from another district was not allowed to speak to the families. Activist Nasrullah Baloch said it was because “their role is not satisfactory. They hear us out but they don’t do anything.” Explaining, he said that this year alone, the number of mutilated bodies dumped in the province rose to 135, including 25 that were found in Karachi, which, according to him, “no human rights organisation in the country wants to speak about”. It is for the same reason that Qadeer Baloch wants the issue to be heard by international rights group. With prayer beads in his hands and a bandage tied loosely around his right foot, the first thing Qadeer said was: “The United Nations’ silence on the issue (of missing persons) is surprising. They are ignoring us like the rest of the people here (in Pakistan).” Qadeer received the mutilated body of his son Jalil Reiki, information secretary of the Baloch Republican Party, in November 2011. His son’s kidnapping and later death, allegedly under the custody of the intelligence agencies, further strengthened the advocacy group in helping families going through similar misery. Last year, the families of the missing, including another activist, Amna Masood Janjua, put up a hunger strike camp outside parliament to seek answers regarding their missing family members. Walking behind children as young as nine, Qadeer explains why what he is doing is necessary. “I’ll keep on walking. If nobody listens to us in Karachi, I’ll go to Islamabad. If nothing happens there, I’ll go on foot to the United Nations Headquarters. It is a way of teaching our coming generation the value of speaking up.” In the same group, a 9th grade student, Sammi Baloch, is also participating. Basically from Mashkay, her father Deen Mohammad, a practising doctor at Ornach Hospital, was picked from his home in June 2009 by unidentified men. “I just want to see him. My siblings are too young to understand. We need him at home,” she said. Since her father’s kidnapping, the family is living on money given by relatives, and at times, neighbours. In the same line, a 7th grade student, Samina Baloch, said she was too young at the time her father went missing to remember what exactly had happened. “I only remember my mother asking me to participate in every protest and sit-in that Mama Qadeer organises. That way my father might be back home,” she added. Ready to cover the remaining 119 kilometres to Karachi, the men in the group said they might face “trouble” near Hub. While the rest of the people relaxed for a while inside the shaded roadside cafe, Farzana Majeed was heard asking Qadeer Baloch: “Wahid Qambar (a missing activist) came home after three years, right? I was wondering if Zakir might come home too, since it’s been three and a half years already.” There are conflicting claims about the number of missing persons from Balochistan. Nasrullah Baloch said that in 2009, around 1,100 cases of missing men were registered with the newly formed VOMBP. But so far there is no official figure to quote on the missing persons as it is eventually challenged, either by rights groups or members belonging to the VOMBP.
Six customs, 3 Levies men kidnapped in Balochistan By Saleem Shahid QUETTA, Nov 17: Six Customs personnel and three Levies men were kidnapped in Gwadar and Kharan districts of Balochistan on Sunday. . According to officials, about 12 armed men on motorcycles and in a Land Cruiser stormed a post of Pakistan Customs at Zero-Point in the coastal town of Jiwani, close to the Pakistan-Iran border, in Gwadar and kidnapped Inspector Jamali and five other personnel deployed there to check vehicles. They also took away official vehicles and weapons. “Five soldiers and an inspector were deployed at the checkpost near the Pakistan-Iran border,” Home Secretary Asad Gilani told Dawn, adding that the incident took place in Singsir area. Gwadar’s Deputy Commissioner Dr Tufail Baloch said the kidnappers had taken the Customs men to a border area between Turbat and Gwadar. He said security forces had launched a search operation in the area. “We are making all efforts to trace the kidnapped personnel.” No-one has claimed responsibility for the kidnapping, but the home secretary said the involvement of militants could not be ruled out. He claimed that drug smugglers operating in the area were not involved in it. The officials said security forces had blocked routes between Gwadar and Turbat, but whereabouts of the culprits could not be traced. In a late night incident, armed men attacked a Levies Force checkpost in Kharan and kidnapped three personnel. According to sources, the attackers were on motorcycles. They snatched official weapons from the Levies men and took them away on gunpoint.
Sharif in Thailand on three-day visit BANGKOK, Nov 17: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif arrived here on Sunday for a three-day official visit to Thailand. . He was received by Deputy Prime Minister of Thailand Pracha Promnok at the airport. During the visit, Mr Sharif will address the inaugural session of the Connect Asia Pacific Summit and visit an exhibition in Bangkok. He will hold a meeting and delegation-level talks with the Thai premier who will host a dinner for him and his wife Kulsoom Nawaz. The executive secretary of the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, Noeleen Heyzer, will call on Prime Minister Sharif. The prime minister will also attend a luncheon meeting with prominent Thai and Pakistani businessmen. Minister for Information Technology Anusha Rehman, Special Assistant to Prime Minister on Foreign Policy Tariq Fatemi and Foreign Secretary Jalil Abbas Jilani are accompanying the prime minister.—APP
Pakistani executed in Indonesia JAKARTA, Nov 17: Indonesian authorities executed on Sunday a Pakistani man who was convicted of smuggling drugs into the country. . Muhammad Abdul Hafeez, 44, was shot dead by a firing squad early Sunday in Banten province, west of Jakarta, said Attorney General’s Office spokesman Setia Untung Arimuladi. Hafeez was arrested in June 2001 upon arrival at Soekarno-Hatta airport after customs officers found 1,050 grams of heroin hidden in snack packages he was carrying. He was sentenced to death the same year. The execution was carried out after Hafeez’s second request for judicial review was rejected by the Supreme Court, Arimuladi said. Hafeez was the fifth convict executed this year in Indonesia. Three Indonesians convicted of murder and a Nigerian convicted on drug charges were executed earlier in the year. More than 140 people are on death row in Indonesia, mostly for drug crimes. About a third of them are foreigners. —AP
CJ seeks names from HCs for Musharraf trial By Nasir Iqbal ISLAMABAD, Nov 18: Trouble for former president retired Gen Pervez Musharraf appears to be far from over. Living up to its commitment made over four months ago, the federal government has finally kick-started the process of putting the former army chief on treason trial for suspending the constitution while proclaiming the state of emergency on Nov 3, 2007. . As announced by Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali at a hurriedly called press conference on Sunday, the government sent a one-page letter to the Supreme Court registrar through a special messenger with a request to place the matter before Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry for constituting a special court comprising three high court judges to try Gen Musharraf. When constituted, the court will start functioning at Islamabad. Moving swiftly, the chief justice ordered the SC office to circulate copies of the letter among the chief justices of the five high courts to send the names of judges on Tuesday. “Copy of the letter be circulated among the learned chief justices of Balochistan High Court, Sindh High Court, Lahore High Court, Peshawar High Court and Islamabad High Court so that they may each nominate a judge of their respective court, out of which three names shall be forwarded to the government for the special court. The nomination may reach this court on Nov 19, 2013, positively,” the chief justice ordered after going through the contents of the letter sent to the apex court on Monday. Attorney General Muneer A. Malik had on June 24 assured a Supreme Court bench hearing petitions against Gen Musharraf that the government would proceed in accordance with the law and prosecute him for treason after taking political forces into confidence. The letter signed by Law Secretary Barrister Zafarullah Khan was filed under Section 4 of the Criminal Law Amendment (Special Courts) Act 1976. It requested for constitution of a special court to try Gen Musharraf under Article 6 of the Constitution dealing with high treason. The special court has an exclusive jurisdiction and no other court could interfere in its trial. Although there was a general perception that the government move was an attempt to divert the media focus from Rawalpindi’s sectarian violence, a former president of the Rawalpindi High Court Bar, Sheikh Ahsanuddin, claimed that the letter was in reaction to his Nov 12 petition in which he had sought initiation of a contempt proceeding against Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif for not complying with the Supreme Court’s July 3 order of prosecuting Gen Musharraf for treason. Having seen the fate of former prime minister Yousuf Raza Gilani who had to quit the coveted office after having been charged with committing contempt of court and how his successor, Raja Pervez Ashraf, had to write a letter to the Swiss authorities for reopening graft cases against former president Asif Ali Zardari, the PML-N government must have thought not to take any chance, he explained. Although the request for nominating the high court judges was sent by the law ministry, it will be the interior secretary who will follow the trial in the special court. Under a statutory regulatory order issued in 1994, the interior secretary has been designated as a focal person to lodge a final complaint under Article 6 of the Constitution in the special court. The trial will be held under the High Treason (Punishment) Act 1973, which suggests death or imprisonment for life as the punishment for high treason defined in Article 6 of the Constitution. The federal government, the letter says, has decided to invoke the power vested in it under Section 4 of the Criminal Law Amendment (Special Courts) Act 1976 (Act No. XVII of 1976) to establish a special court to try Gen Musharraf for various offences falling under Section 2 of the High Treason (Punishment) Act 1973. “The law provides that the special court shall comprise three serving judges of the high courts. Since there are five high courts and it will be difficult to nominate three judges from these five high courts for the special court, it will be appropriate that the apex court may nominate any three judges from the high courts for the special court,” the letter says. Asked why the government had not nominated the judges itself, a senior government official said that after separation of the executive from the judiciary, as ruled in the 1989 Sharaf Faridi case, it was better to seek guidance from the Supreme Court rather than taking a decision which might become controversial later. He recalled that a row erupted when the government had decided to nominate former SC judge Justice Javed Iqbal to head the Abbottabad commission on its own. His name was later withdrawn and the chief justice was requested to nominate a person for the purpose. The chief justice, however, nominated Justice Javed Iqbal.
FIA to investigate 1990 poll funding By Khawar Ghumman ISLAMABAD: The government, in compliance with the Supreme Court’s order of last year, constituted on Monday a four-member FIA committee to investigate distribution of money among politicians by secret agencies for rigging the 1990 general elections. . The committee, headed by FIA Additional Director General Mohammad Ghalib Bandesha and comprising Dr Usman Anwar, Qudratullah Khan and Najab Qulli, has been asked to complete the investigation in six months. The announcement about the committee was made by Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan at a press conference on Sunday. He said the government would implement all SC decisions at any cost. It will be an interesting inquiry because the Supreme Court in its judgment of October last year, on a petition of retired Air Marshal Asghar Khan, had said: “Late Ghulam Ishaq Khan, the then president; retired General Aslam Beg, the then army chief; and retired General Asad Durrani, the then ISI director general, acted in violation of the Constitution.” This time the FIA will be investigating another former army chief and the ex-ISI chief. Many consider this an uphill task. Also on Monday, the government sent a letter to the Supreme Court requesting it to constitute a special court comprising three high court judges to try former military ruler retired Gen Pervez Musharraf for treason for suspending the constitution while proclaiming the state of emergency on Nov 3, 2007. “Right or wrong, the government has set the ball rolling,” said a government official. It its last year’s verdict, the apex court said: “The general election held in the year 1990 was subjected to corruption and corrupt practices. Moreover, it has been established that an ‘election cell’ had been created in the Presidency, which was functioning to provide financial assistance to the favoured candidates, or a group of political parties, to achieve desired result by polluting the election process and to deprive the people of Pakistan from being represented by their chosen representatives.” In his petition filed in 1996, Asghar Khan had requested the court to look into the allegations that the Inter-Services Intelligence had dished out Rs140 million to a number of politicians to create the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad and stop Benazir Bhutto’s PPP from coming to power. As a result of the 1990 elections, Nawaz Sharif became prime minister for the first time. The court had also ordered that the money illegally disbursed among politicians by the then president and the ISI be recovered and deposited in the Habib Bank, along with the accumulated interest on it. The order noted that Younus A. Habib, the then chief executive of Mehran Bank, had arranged Rs140 million belonging to the exchequer, of which Rs60m had been distributed among politicians. A review petition filed by retired Gen Aslam Beg against the verdict is pending with the apex court.
Driver killed in Nasirabad attack on Nato truck By Saleem Shahid QUETTA, Nov 18: A Nato truck driver was killed when gunmen opened fire on the vehicle in Nasirabad district on Monday.. Police sources said the truck carrying Nato supplies to Karachi from Afghanistan came under attack near Dera Murad Jamali. The driver suffered bullet injuries to his head and died. The attackers, who were on motorcycles, then set the truck on fire. Security forces launched a search operation in the area. However, no arrest was reported. AFP adds: Hafiz Hidayatullah, a local police official, said four gunmen on motorbikes opened fire at two trucks, killing the driver of one vehicle. The body of the driver had been taken out of the truck by his helper before it was set on fire, he said. There was no claim of responsibility for attack.
Drug industry wants 18pc price hike By Mubarak Zeb Khan ISLAMABAD, Nov 18: The pharmaceutical industry plans to increase the prices of all registered drugs by up to 18 per cent.. In the absence of a national drug pricing policy, the manufacturers claim the increase has been allowed by the federal government. “We have asked our members to prepare a list of drugs with increase for submission to the Drug Regulatory Authority,” the Pakistan Pharmaceutical Manufacturers’ Association’s secretary general Khawaja Javed Akbar told Dawn on Monday. He said the list would be submitted to the government and the new prices would later be printed on the products. Mr Akbar termed the 18 per cent increase ‘meagre’ in comparison with the calculation made by the Drug Regulatory Authority of Pakistan (DRAP). He said the formula for price increase had been approved by the Economic Coordination Committee of the cabinet. The manufacturers have held three meetings with the government since Oct 23 and they had largely remained inconclusive. A meeting of the pharmaceutical association with the ministry of national health services, regulations and coordination on Monday also failed to reach an agreement over the price increase. The government, according to sources, sought 10 days to announce an increase in the prices of registered drugs. They said the government was willing to allow a 15pc increase, but it was not acceptable to the drug manufacturers. Punjab was opposing an increase of more than 15pc, the sources added. The association’s general secretary said the drug manufacturers would not accept an increase of less than 18pc. “We will go on strike if the government harasses any drug manufacturer,” Mr Akbar said. He accused the government of backtracking from its commitment. The association had earlier sought a 50pc increase in the prices. The industry’s representatives claim that it would not be feasible for them to keep manufacturing life-saving medicines without an increase in prices. However, the sources said the manufacturers wanted to earn billions of rupees from drugs used for common ailments like flu, fever, malaria and diarrhoea. In a letter sent to the national health ministry’s secretary on Nov 11, the association also called for immediate finalisation of a drug pricing policy. The draft policy was presented to the DRAP’s policy board, but has yet to be finalised.
Troops called out after riots in Kohat By Abdul Sami Paracha KOHAT, Nov 18: Troops were called in after two people, one of them a policeman, were killed and three others injured in sectarian clashes in Kohat on Monday.. The administration imposed curfew for an indefinite period when, officials said, a mob torched a number of shops at around 2.30pm. Tension also gripped the adjoining areas of Hangu district and the administration imposed a partial curfew to avert any untoward incident. According to witnesses, riots broke out in Zargaran bazaar when speeches were being made during a demonstration organised by the Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat in protest against the Rawalpindi incident. More than 10 shops were set on fire in Teerah bazaar and the fire tender was stopped from going to the place because there were fears of an explosion at a shop of gas cylinders. The mob torched shops belonging to a religious group but it soon engulfed the other shops which were also gutted. All markets, schools and colleges in Kohat and Hangu were closed for an indefinite period. The road linking the two towns was also closed and army moved into Hangu. The education department postponed examinations of intermediate classes till Nov 29. The Kohat University and the local campus of the University of Engineering, Peshawar, were also closed. During the riots, Constable Noor Mohammad received bullet wounds while protecting an officer from the mob. The constable and a pedestrian, Khairur Rehman, were killed. JIRGA: The grand jirga to resolve the issue of firing and riots in Kohat was postponed on Monday night till Tuesday. It would resume the proceedings at the Jirga Hall of the Deputy Commissioner House.
PAF base security man claims poor training By Malik Asad ISLAMABAD, Nov 18: The authorities of the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) at Kamra airbase assigned the security of multi-billion rupees worth and strategically important aircraft to poorly trained airmen, officials facing court martial have alleged.. Zafar Abbas, one of the three low ranking PAF officials, who is being court martialled at the base, for his alleged negligence on the night of the attack, has claimed in documents submitted to the court that he was ill trained and that he was never given any training to handle terrorist attacks. He is accused of having provided the terrorists the opportunity to destroy $250 million worth Saab 2000 during the fateful night of 15-16 August in 2012. The strategically important airbase came under attack at night when at least nine militants stormed the base destroying a Saab 2000 surveillance aircraft and killing a security official. All nine militants were later killed in shootout with security forces. The Minhas airbase at Kamra has suffered more than one attack. Prior to the 2012 attack, terrorists attacked a school bus carrying children of PAF employees in 2007. On Jan 18, 2008, terrorists fired four rockets at it. The third attack took place last year. Currently, Abbas, along with senior aircraftman / supply assistant Shawaiz Khan and corporal technician Mirza Waseem Iqbal, has been charged with failing “to take position at the post”, “to provide requisite assistance to terrorists’ attack” and “to inform the same to PAF URF commander and others through the ‘Motorola’ (handset) during the terrorists’ attack on the said night”. He was supposed to defend any attack as he is in the Unit Reaction Force (URF). According to a retired PAF official, URF is part of the internal security arrangement in which PAF officials are assigned security duty in addition to their other responsibilities. “It is a temporary security force of the airbase while PAF commandos similar to the Special Services Group (SSG) of the army are the permanent security guards for PAF installations such as Kamra airbase,” he said. In his defence, Abbas has pointed to this inadequate training. In his statement recorded during the court martial proceedings he has stated: “As an airman in PAF, I receive only 3 days ground defence training annually and its syllabus does not include any night firing. I believe I am not at all adequately trained or equipped to counter highly skilled and trained terrorists.” He further stated: “Despite the adverse circumstance, I did not abandon my post and fired at the enemies as per my best capabilities.” On the other hand, prosecution witness squadron leader Kashif Amjad Butt in his statement claimed that the accused, Abbas, was equipped with a G-3 rifle with 20 rounds.However, during the cross-examination, the accused asked Butt, “We are given ground defence training once in a year. Is it sufficient to counter highly trained terrorists?” and Mr Butt’s answer, according to the documents, was “No”. The accused also asked: “[Was] I ever given night firing practice?” Mr Butt replied, “Since my command no such requirement was raised by the base authority.” Mr Butt again replied “No” when the accused asked: “Have you ever encountered such type of terrorists’ attack in your entire service?” Flight Lieutenant Saadur Rehman, another witness who testified against Abbas, said that “during the terrorists’ attack on night of 15/16 August, 2012, I performed the duty of PAF URF commander. At the time of attack he (Abbas) was issued with 1 G-3 rifle along with 1 magazine containing 20 rounds and a Motorola. He (Abbas) was deployed… to safeguard aircraft and equipments. …after the incident, he did not complain… about malfunctioning/stoppage in his rifle. He did not contact me on Motorola throughout the operation which was over by 0345 on August 16, 2012.” However, it is not just the testimonies that create uncertainty about the role played by Abbas. Interestingly, the PAF authorities on August 28, around 10 days after the airbase attack, declared Abbas the “man of the month” saying that he “is a dedicated, responsible and devoted SNCO. He was detailed as URF guard on the night of August 15, 2012. When the fire broke [out] in the Bravo shed, he tried his best to extinguish the fire….” Several squadrons of fighters and surveillance planes are said to be housed at the Minhas base at Kamra. Over 30 planes were parked at the base, including JF-17 Thunder fighter jets at the time of attack. The outlawed Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) claimed responsibility for the August attack saying that it was revenge for the May 2011 secret US raid that killed Osama bin Laden in his Abbottabad compound. The airbase, located 70km north of the capital, is a heavily guarded compound with the air force’s Kamra Aeronautical Complex also in its vicinity, where Pakistan assembles and overhauls JF-17 Thunder fighter jets in collaboration with China.
SC rejects defence secretary’s appeal By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD, Nov 18: The Supreme Court rejected on Monday an intra-court appeal of Defence Secretary retired Lt Gen Asif Yasin against his trial for contempt of court.. “We would not like to make any comment on the objections raised, because you (defence secretary) still have an opportunity to raise the same before the trial court,” a five-judge bench headed by Justice Nasirul Mulk held. A three-judge bench headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry had indicted the defence secretary on Nov 5 for not honouring his undertaking to hold the local government elections in cantonment boards by Sept 15. The same bench is likely to resume the trial on Nov 20. On Nov 8, the larger bench had stayed the trial court from the contempt proceedings till the time it finished with the secretary’s intra-court appeal. The larger bench dismissed the intra-court appeal after Additional Attorney General Shahkhawar opposed it on the ground that the secretary still had the opportunity to agitate the issue before the trial court, especially in the changed scenario when the Election Commission itself had excused from holding the local government elections in the country, including the cantonment boards, and that had also been allowed by the apex court. Representing the defence secretary, Advocate Iftikhar Gilani said it was not in the command of his client to hold elections and the apology tendered by him should have been accepted by the trial court. Justice Nasirul Mulk observed that in contempt cases apology could not be accepted when the respondent requested to accept it but at the same time insisted that the order of the apex court would not be implemented. The counsel, however, contended that under the rules of business the competent authority to finally grant approval for holding the local government elections was the prime minister and the defence secretary had held out the assurance to hold the polls on the advice of Attorney General Muneer A. Malik. Mr Gilani requested the court to set aside the trial court’s decision of framing of charges against his client, but the court said that this would mean quashing the indictment.
Sharif for upgrading ties with Thailand BANGKOK, Nov 18: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif said here on Monday that Pakistan desired to comprehensively upgrade its cordial relations with Thailand in different areas.. Addressing a news conference along with his Thai counterpart Yingluck Shinawatra, he said ‘Vision East Asia’ was an important component of Pakistan’s policy that complemented Thailand’s ‘Look West Policy’. He said Pakistan and Thailand had common cultural linkages through Gandhara Civilisation. “Traditionally, our bilateral relations have always been most cordial and Pakistan desires to comprehensively upgrade these relations in all areas of cooperation.” He said he had comprehensive discussions with Prime Minister Shinawatra on a full range of issues which covered wide areas, including collaboration in trade and investment, infrastructure development, science and technology, defence, education and tourism. “Regional as well as international issues of mutual interest also came under discussion. We are satisfied with the progress made in various domains of relationship and have agreed to further consolidate and expand this partnership for the mutual benefit of our two peoples.” Prime Minister Sharif said: “Economic and trade relations are a high priority on our agenda”, adding that Pakistan and Thailand had important economic complementarities, particularly vast domestic and extended neighbourhood markets and unique geographical locations to build a strong partnership. He said bilateral trade had already crossed $1 billion and efforts would be made to double the figure in five years. He said the growth in investment had been steady over the past few years. Pakistan, he said, offered attractive investment opportunities. “We have invited Thai private businesses to invest in Pakistan in various sectors, including infrastructure development, energy, auto parts manufacturing, food processing, packaging, gems and jewellery as well as tourism industry.” He said Pakistan would extend all facilities to Thai investors. However, greater connectivity between the two countries will be critical to facilitate trade and investment. “To this end, we believe that Pakistan and Thailand would utilise each other’s geo-strategic locations.” He emphasised the importance of people-to-people contacts as one of the most important aspects of relations and said the number of Pakistani tourists visiting Thailand was increasing steadily. “We hope people of Thailand would also visit Pakistan to get an insight into the ancient Gandhara Civilisation which is the bedrock of their faith and spiritualism.” The prime minister said the two sides had agreed to enhance and deepen cooperation in regional and multilateral frameworks. He said Pakistan appreciated Thailand’s consistent support for its enhanced partnership with Asean. He said he was pleased to be in Bangkok to attend the Connect Asia Pacific Summit and to hold bilateral talks with Prime Minister Shinawatra. The Thai prime minister said her country wanted to promote trade and investment links with Pakistan. She said Thai private companies would make investment in Pakistan’s energy sector. She appreciated Pakistan’s contribution to the Connect Asia Pacific Summit.—APP
Army chief to chair meeting of commanders By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD, Nov 19: Army Chief Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani will chair on Wednesday a meeting of the Formation Commanders — in all likelihood the last such gathering of his tenure. . The conference held twice a year is attended by corps commanders, principal staff officers and the formation commanders. The event has assumed special significance because of impending change in the army’s command. Gen Kayani, who retires on Nov 28, will brief the commanders on “external and internal security environment” and professional matters as he prepares to bid farewell to the arms after leading the army for six years. Gen Kayani’s successor has not been named yet. The government has said it will announce the next army chief and chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff committee on the day Gen Kayani retires. Chief of General Staff Lt Gen Rashad Mehmood and Chief of Logistic Staff Lt Gen Haroon Aslam are frontrunners for the two slots. A change of command ceremony has been planned for Nov 29. Though all corps commanders will attend the Formation Commanders meeting, senior military officials are not ruling out a separate Corps Commanders meeting before Nov 28. The army chief will start making his farewell calls next week. RESHUFFLE: Ahead of the upcoming change in command, the army announced a major reshuffle of senior commanders. Karachi Corps Commander Lt Gen Ejaz Chaudhry has been replaced. He will be taking over as Inspector General of Arms at the GHQ. Lt Gen Chaudhry has been the Commander of the Karachi Corps since March 2012. He will be replaced in Karachi Corps by Lt Gen Sajjad Ghani, currently serving as Quarter Master General at the GHQ. Engineer-in-Chief Lt Gen Najibullah Khan has been made QMG.
3-member court constituted for Musharraf trial By Nasir Iqbal ISLAMABAD, Nov 19: The government notified on Tuesday the constitution of a three-member special court to try former president retired Gen Pervez Musharraf for treason after selecting the names of three from a list of five high court judges sent to it by the Supreme Court. . The names of the judges, along with their profile, were sent to Law Secretary Barrister Zafarullah Khan by the SC registrar with a suggestion to select any three of them as members of the special court. About the head of the special court, the government was suggested to select the most senior one in the list. The apex court sent the names of Justice Syeda Tahira Safdar of the Balochistan High Court, Justice Noorul Haq N. Qureshi of the Islamabad High Court, Justice Mohammad Yawar Ali of the Lahore High Court, Justice Yahya Afridi of the Peshawar High Court and Justice Faisal Arab of the Sindh High Court. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif approved the names of Justice Faisal Arab (SHC), Justice Tahira Safdar (BHC) and Justice Yawar Ali (LHC). According to the notification issued by the Prime Minister’s Office, Justice Faisal Arab will preside over the special court as he is the most senior of the three judges. Although all the selected judges command respect for their uprightness, honesty and for having distinguished career, legal observers fear that the name of the presiding judge may get entangled in a controversy after being objected to by Gen Musharraf’s side because he had refused to take oath under the Provisional Constitution Order (PCO) issued by the former military ruler. He was later restored, along with the Chief Justice of Pakistan, on March 16, 2009. Justice Tahira Safdar is the daughter of a lawyer who had died. Her three brothers are practising lawyers. She started her career in 1983-84 and served as civil judge in Quetta. She later became district judge, a member of the Service Tribunal and was then elevated to the BHC as judge. Justice Yawar Ali is a nephew of former Supreme Court judge Justice Khalilur Rehman Ramday. On Monday, the law secretary had sent a one-page letter to the SC registrar through a special messenger with a request to place the matter before Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry for nominating three high court judges for the special court to try Gen Musharraf under treason charges for suspending the constitution while proclaiming a state of emergency on Nov 3, 2007. “The law provides that the special court shall comprise three serving judges of the high courts. Since there are five high courts and it will be difficult to nominate three judges from these five high courts for the special court, it will be appropriate that the apex court may nominate any three judges from the high courts for the special court,” the letter said. Moving swiftly, the chief justice had ordered the SC office to circulate copies of the letter among the chief justices of the five high courts to send the names of judges on Tuesday. Under Section 4 of the Criminal Law Amendment (Special Courts) Act 1976, the federal government constitutes the special court to try a person under Article 6 of the Constitution dealing with high treason. The special court enjoys exclusive jurisdiction and no other court could interfere in its trial. “We sent the request to the chief justice for suggesting the judges’ names so that no one could point fingers at the government,” a government official told Dawn. Legal observers are of the opinion that the court’s suggestion to the government to choose the names of the judges on its own may be because the chief justice wants to stay away from any controversy. The chief justice, they said, was a direct victim of the actions taken by Gen Musharraf and one of the judges who were detained at their homes after the Nov 3, 2007, emergency.
Jirga meets in Kohat to end strife By Abdul Sami Paracha KOHAT, Nov 19: A 28-member jirga comprising elders of the Sunni and Shia communities has been formed to restore sectarian harmony in the town after the recent riots.. At a meeting held on Monday night and Tuesday, the jirga agreed that police and other security forces should be free to arrest any person considered by them to be a miscreant or to have played any role in inciting the clashes or participating in them. The jirga is to be jointly headed by former chief justice of Peshawar High Court Ibne Ali and former MNA Javed Ibraheem Paracha. Meanwhile, the curfew imposed on Monday was relaxed from 3pm to 5pm on Tuesday because of difficulties being faced by people. The curfew may be lifted on Wednesday. Constable Noor Mohammad, Kahirur Rehman and Arshad, who were killed in the riots, were laid to rest in their ancestral graveyards. The Kohat commissioner told journalists that the two meetings of the jirga representing the two communities had agreed to cooperate with the administration. He said he had also constituted jirgas in Orakzai and Kurram tribal regions to ensure that they remained trouble free. DIG Dr Ishtiaq Marwat said 14 people had been arrested for their involvement in the riots which left three people dead. More than 15 shops were torched. He said arms and ammunition had been found in the homes of the suspects. Dr Marwat told Dawn that cases of murder and terrorism had been registered against four of the suspects who had allegedly opened fire at a group of protesters and triggered clashes. The 10 other suspects, he said, were being interrogated and would be produced in courts after the curfew was lifted.
Plea to delay local govt polls rejected By Iftikhar A. Khan ISLAMABAD, Nov 19: The Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) rejected on Tuesday the request of Sindh and Balochistan for putting off local government elections till the end of March next year. . It decided to announce a fresh schedule for polls in Sindh and Punjab on Nov 29 and complete the process of holding elections across the country by Feb 28. An official told Dawn after an inter-provincial meeting on the elections that the chief secretary of Sindh proposed that polls be held in the province in the last week of March next year. The proposal was rejected and he was reminded that earlier the provincial government wanted elections to be held on Nov 27 and had made tall claims about preparations. Then the chief secretary suggested that the elections be held in Sindh on Jan 30 but that idea was also rejected. The Punjab government plans elections on Jan 30. The chief secretary of Balochistan also called for postponing elections in the province till the end of February in view of inclement weather conditions. He also referred to an arson attack on the office of returning officer in Khuzdar in which nomination forms of prospective candidates had been burnt. He was told that polls in the province would take place on Dec 7 as per the schedule, but a new schedule for submission of forms in Khuzdar would be issued later. The chief secretary of Punjab did not raise an objection to the polling date, but sought a little delay in the announcement of election schedule on the ground that the announcement would freeze development schemes at a crucial time when the provincial government was in a state of emergency and launching initiatives to cope with the challenge posed by dengue fever. He was told that the entire scheme had been meticulously designed and each electoral activity was linked with another. The chief secretary said the authorities concerned had been directed to finalise LG laws and rules by Dec 15 or be ready to face consequences. Failure to do so would be considered a violation of Article 32 of the constitution, acting Chief Election Commissioner Justice Tassaduq Hussain Jillani was quoted as telling the official. The article reads: “The state shall encourage local government institutions composed of elected representatives of the areas concerned and in such institutions special representation will be given to peasants, workers and women.” Later, acting Additional Secretary of the ECP Syed Sher Afgan told reporters that the governments of Sindh and Punjab had been asked to remove deficiencies from their LG laws and provide the commission with the updated laws, notified rules and notifications of delimitation of constituencies by Nov 28. He said the public notice for polls in the two provinces would be issued on Dec 9 and nomination forms of intending candidates would be received from Dec 10 to 13. Objections on the papers will be received on Dec 14 and their scrutiny will be held from Dec 15 to 19. Appeals against acceptance or rejection of forms will be received on Dec 20 and 21 and disposed of between Dec 22 and 25. Dec 26 will be the last date for withdrawal of candidature and final list of candidates will be published the same day. Over 110 million nomination forms will be printed for Sindh and 300 million for Punjab by the Printing Corporation of Pakistan and Pakistan Security Printing Corporation. The organisations will be free to acquire services of other public sector printing facilities, but private printers will not be involved in the exercise. Deadlines for digitisation of voter lists and supply of 2.5 million magnetised inkpads and 425,000 vials had been given to the National Database Registration Authority (Nadra) and the Pakistan Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (PCSIR), respectively. Syed Sher Afghan, the election commission’s additional secretary, said specifications of magnetised ink had been slightly changed to improve its quality. A committee comprising representatives of Nadra, the PCSIR and the ECP will approve the quality of the ink on Wednesday (today). Sher Afgan said the chief secretary of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa told the meeting that the province had finalised LG laws and rules and would complete delimitation of constituencies in 40 days. It will provide the commission the prerequisites for announcement of schedule by Jan 15. Describing LG polls as a complex exercise, he said it required ballot papers in seven colours and training of returning and presiding officers and other polling staff, besides education of voters for which a campaign would be launched.
Judge terms fund transfer criminal misappropriation By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD, Nov 19: A judge of the Supreme Court raised doubts on Tuesday about government’s intention and described the transfer of Rs62 billion belonging to the Universal Services Fund (USF) to the Federal Consolidated Fund (FCF) as a criminal misappropriation. . “Probably in a cautious language this is really something criminal misappropriation,” Justice Jawwad S. Khawaja said, adding that such acts when done by a government functionary always attracted Section 409 of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC). The section dealing with the criminal breach of trust by a public servant, a banker or a merchant suggests imprisonment for life or up to ten years with fine as punishment. Justice Khawaja is on a three-judge bench headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry which took up a petition of Khurram Shehzad Chughtai, an IT expert, who had sought a court order for the government to complete the process of auctioning 3G spectrum licences on an urgent basis in a transparent manner and ensure early availability of the services. Established in 2006, the USF was meant to be utilised exclusively for providing telecommunication services to people in under-served rural and remote areas of the country. Justice Khawaja explained that only high officials would come in the net of Section 409 of the PPC when the court was informed that the USF was losing a profit of over Rs7 billion annually if calculated on 12 per cent interest rate. “This is like a joke, a loot,” he said when a USF accountant informed the bench that before the transfer of funds under a memorandum of the finance ministry, the department used to invest the amount in profit-yielding government securities funds. On Aug 1, the Ministry of Information Technology informed the court that Rs62bn USF money had lawfully been transferred to the FCF after making necessary changes in the USF Rules 2006. In its statement submitted to the court, the ministry said the amount was placed from the IT ministry’s USF account to the finance ministry’s FCF in pursuance of a decision by the Economic Coordination Committee of the cabinet. Deputy Attorney General Imranul Haq and the director general (enforcement) of the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority informed the court that the process of auctioning the 3G licence had started and seven international consultants submitted their bids for providing technical service for the auction. Technical evaluation of the bids will be concluded by Thursday and financial bids will be opened on Saturday after which the final auction of the licence would be done. The spectrum being auctioned represents three blocks of 10Mhz each in the 2100Mhz band.
Ex-PM Ashraf appears in accountability court By Syed Irfan Raza ISLAMABAD, Nov 19: Former prime minister Raja Pervez Ashraf — who ruled the country for nine months in his capacity as chief executive of the last PPP-led government — appeared before an accountability court here on Tuesday as a principal accused in the Rs22 billion Rental Power Projects (RPPs) reference. . Accountability Judge Mohammad Bashir provided copies of a supplementary reference to the ex-prime minister and adjourned the case till Dec 2. The former prime minister was accompanied by his son and a younger brother, but no other PPP leader was seen on the occasion. Clad in a dark suit, Mr Ashraf appeared disturbed when he came out of the courtroom and refrained from talking to reporters. However, PPP leader Senator Farhatullah Babar said Mr Ashraf was ready to face the case and hopeful that he would be acquitted in an honourable manner. “We are not afraid of courts and we have faced them in the past as well,” he was quoted as saying. He said the PPP believed that cases made against its leaders were all politically motivated. The National Accountability Bureau (NAB) filed the supplementary reference about the Naudero-II RPP on Nov 7 and Mr Ashraf is likely to face eight more similar references. Four RPP references have been prepared and the bureau is working on four more. The NAB executive management board had approved on Nov 1 the filing of references against Mr Ashraf, Iqbal Z. Ahmed (owner of the plant) and M.N. Baig. Mr Ahmed and Mr Baig obtained a stay order on Nov 4 and did not appear before the court on Tuesday. The former prime minister has already been barred from travelling abroad. A NAB official told Dawn that the former prime minister had been accused of obtaining kickbacks from nine rental power firms for awarding contracts to set up their plants in 2008 to overcome the electricity crisis. Citing the 263-page reference, he said the former prime minister had also been accused of preparing and submitting a misleading summary before the federal cabinet, pleading for increase of mobilisation advance for nine rental power companies from seven to 14 per cent. It was approved for submission to the cabinet committee concerned on Aug 17, 2009. NAB had field the preliminary reference on Naudero-II on May 27 but Mr Ashraf’s name was not included in it because he was serving as prime minister at the time. The official said the draft preliminary reference had the name of Mr Ashraf but the NAB headquarters had filed it without his name. The NAB executive board recently gave approval to filing of the supplementary reference. The official said Rawalpindi NAB had completed investigation into five of 12 RPP cases and sent them to the bureau’s headquarters. “All the five references prepared include Mr Ashraf’s name. They pertain to the Naudero-II, Piraghaib, Sahuwal and Karkey projects.” NAB is investigating the cases of nine firms reportedly having received over Rs22bn as mobilisation advance but mostly failing to set up the plants in time. The bureau has recovered Rs13bn in the case. The Supreme Court instructed NAB on Jan 11 to arrest the people involved in the scam, but then chairman Admiral (retd) Fasih Bokhari did not take action against the then prime minister. Other accused in the Naudero-II reference include former secretary for water and power Shahid Rafi, ex-additional secretary Sheikh Zarrar Aslam, ex-managing director of Pakistan Electric Power Company Tahir Basharat Cheema, former Pepco directors Malik Muhammad Razi Abbas and Wazir Ali Bhayo, Tariq Nazir, Abdul Malik Memon and Rasool Khan Mehsud. There names have also been placed on the Exit Control List.
Sindh LG elections not possible on Jan 18, says Khuhro By Our Staff Reporter KARACHI, Nov 19: Sindh’s Senior Minister Nisar Khuhro said on Tuesday the provincial government wanted to hold local government elections on Jan 18 but this was not ‘administratively possible’. . “We are eager to hold the LG elections on Jan 18 as being asked by the Election Commission but the fact is that such a gigantic exercise is administratively not possible in such a short span,” Mr Khuhro said while speaking to journalists at the Karachi Press Club. “On behalf of our government my opinion is that the next LG elections should be properly held in March. A time period of 90 days or more like it was given for the general elections should be considered for local bodies’ elections too, to hold them in a befitting manner.” He said his government could send a request to the Supreme Court for the desired time slot if the Election Commission did not come on the same page. Mr Khuhro went on to demand holding of the elections across the country on the same day as, according to him, differing schedules in the provinces could affect the results. New district: Answering a question about proposal for a seventh district in Karachi, Mr Khuhro said the city had seen 18 towns in the past, so no one should object if it was divided into seven districts. He did not elaborate whether the PPP stronghold Lyari was going to be named as the seventh district but claimed that the division would be based on administrative and not political grounds. Musharraf trial: He demanded that former military ruler retired Gen Pervez Musharraf be tried in a treason case for ousting a democratically elected government in 1999, instead of imposing the November 2007 emergency. “Try everyone, every quisling who collaborated with him in perpetuating his unconstitutional regime.”
Treason probe team yet to gather concrete proof By Nasir Iqbal ISLAMABAD, Nov 20: Although the government is quite confident that the three-judge special court constituted to prosecute former president retired Gen Pervez Musharraf on treason charges will complete the trial as soon as possible, the investigating committee has yet to come up with concrete evidence against him. . “No concrete evidence has yet been collected to implicate Gen Musharraf,” a member of the four-man investigation team set up by the government on June 27 to gather evidence against the former military ruler confided to a group of reporters. The federal government has already notified the constitution of the special court under Section 4 of the Criminal Law Amendment (Special Courts) Act 1976 to try Gen Musharraf under Article 6 of the Constitution dealing with high treason. The court comprises Justice Faisal Arab of the Sindh High Court, Justice Syeda Tahira Safdar of the Balochistan High Court and Justice Yawar Ali of the Lahore High Court. Without divulging the names, the member said the committee had interviewed a few people, but generally it was not getting any assistance from the quarters concerned in the collection of evidence despite repeated requests. But he said the situation would change when a complaint would be filed in the special court. “We would then be in a position to get warrants or directions from the special court for summoning the people who have evidence but were not cooperating at the earlier stage of investigation,” he said. Meanwhile, a source close to Gen Musharraf’s circle told Dawn that the former president might request senior lawyer Sharifuddin Pirzada to lead his legal team and defend him in the special court. Mr Pirzada is said to be the architect of almost all provisional constitution orders (PCO) issued after military coups in the past, particularly after the Oct 12, 1999, takeover of the Nawaz Sharif government by Gen Musharraf as well as the Nov 3, 2007, emergency in which the Constitution was suspended and superior court judges were detained. A senior law officer told Dawn that the special court would start functioning soon after the filing of a statement by the interior secretary and complete the proceedings as early as possible. Under a statutory regulatory order issued in 1994, the interior secretary has been designated as a focal person to lodge a final complaint under Article 6 of the Constitution in the special court. The trial will be held under the High Treason (Punishment) Act 1973, which suggests death or imprisonment for life as the punishment for high treason defined in Article 6 of the Constitution. The second stage will be the appointment of a registrar for the special court by the government after consulting its head, who is Justice Faisal Arab in this case. Gen Musharraf can be arrested, if necessary, after the special court issues a notice to him. It is believed that Attorney General Muneer A. Malik is the person who had advised the law ministry to request the Chief Justice of Pakistan to suggest the judges’ names for the special court in view of the fact that there were five high courts and it would be difficult for the government to nominate three of the five judges on its own. The senior law officer was of the opinion that composition of the special court could not be changed after the issuance of a notification, even though objections were raised. Any change in this regard would be unconstitutional, he said. “The objections being now raised against certain judges will have no effect and the government will not consider re-composition of the court,” he said after it was pointed out that the presiding judge, Justice Faisal Arab, was a direct victim of the actions taken by Gen Musharraf and had refused to take oath under the PCO while Justice Yawar Ali was a brother-in-law of retired Justice Khalilur Rehman Ramday. APP adds: Attorney General Munir A. Malik said on Wednesday the government had strong evidence to try Gen Musharraf for treason. Talking to reporters in the Supreme Court building, he said the sentence for violating Article 6 of the Constitution was either death or life imprisonment and the president was the only authority to pardon the convict. He said Gen Musharraf could not get bail from any court, except the special court, in the treason case. He said the evidence would be provided to the Federal Investigation Agency, which could then arrest the former president any time.
Two die, eight hurt as 3 blasts rock Quetta By Saleem Shahid QUETTA, Nov 20: Two people were killed and eight others injured when three bomb explosions rocked the city on Wednesday evening. . “The blasts took place at brief interval, in the Sarki Road industrial area and the other near Moti Ram Road,” police said. About 2kgs of explosives were used in each blast, an official said. Abdullah, a rickshaw driver, was killed and his three passengers, a woman and two children, were injured in the explosion in the Sarki Road area near a police station. About 15 minutes later, the other explosion near the same police station damaged the official vehicle of the SHO. The third blast took place near a mosque on Moti Ram Road in the heart of the city, triggering panic in the area. A man named Shahjahan Achakzai was killed and a child and three other people were injured. Several vehicles were damaged.
‘US to suspend drone attacks during talks By Baqir Sajjad Syed ISLAMABAD, Nov 20: US President Barack Obama indicated during his meeting with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif last month that he would like to stop using drones, according to notes of the meeting taken by the Pakistani side. And when Pakistan strongly reacted to the killing of the chief of Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan, Hakeemullah Mehsud, the US side immediately conveyed its willingness to suspend attacks against TTP leaders during their peace talks with the government. . A background document on Prime Minister Sharif's visit to the US circulated among the members of the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee quoted President Obama as having said: "US would wish to get out of the business of drones and not engage in operations that had domestic and international political costs." Although there was no direct mention of the drones in the joint statement after the White House meeting, President Obama and Prime Minister Sharif noted their "shared interest in… mutually determined measures to counter terrorism". Prime Minister Sharif was nonetheless told that Al Qaeda chief Ayman Al Zawahri and Mehsud would not be spared if spotted, the document said. A week later, US drones took out Mehsud as he returned to his home in Dandey Darpakhel, about 5km north of Miramshah. His death came a day before a delegation of clerics nominated by the government was to meet Mehsud to open negotiations for peace. The drone strike angered the government and Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar termed it "murder of peace". US Ambassador Richard Olson was summoned to the Foreign Office for receiving the official protest. The government also threatened to review ties with the US. Behind the scenes, the US offered to suspend drone attacks against TTP targets for the period the militant outfit remained engaged with the government in peace talks. "US has assured us that TTP leaders would not be attacked if dialogue starts,” Adviser on Foreign Affairs and National Security Sartaj Aziz told the Senate committee. The dialogue with the militants, he said, was on standstill and the government would again talk to the US on the matter once the peace process resumed. PTI information secretary Shireen Mazari rejected Mr Aziz's statement as "non-credible" and "meaningless". "Why is Sartaj Aziz behaving like spokesperson for US government when they have given no official statement on any halt of drone attacks?" she said in a twitter posting.
Four soldiers killed in suicide attack By Haji Pazeer Gul MIRAMSHAH, Nov 20: Four security personnel were killed and 12 injured when a suicide bomber rammed an explosives-laden van into a checkpost in Shawa tehsil of North Waziristan on Wednesday. . At the same time, a group of militants stormed into an adjacent building housing security forces. According to security officials, the bomber attacked the checkpost on Bannu-Mirali road in the morning and killed four Frontier Corps soldiers and injured 12 others. Sources said that about 60 FC personnel, scouts and Khasadar Force were manning the checkpost. The powerful explosion damaged hospital and school buildings in the area. Security personnel cordoned off the area and fired back at the militants, imposed curfew in the area and closed the road to traffic.
PM gives police a piece of his mind By Khawar Ghumman ISLAMABAD, Nov 20: A buttoned-up Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif gave on Wednesday a closed-door dressing-down to the participants of a meeting on security for failing to control sectarian violence in Rawalpindi on the day of Ashura.. Even before chiefs of law enforcement agencies (LEAs) could give their sides of the story, the prime minister told them in plain words that since it was a failure on everybody’s part, nobody should get into the blame game, a participant of the meeting told Dawn. Mr Sharif more than once warned, particularly police, that he wanted an even-handed investigation into the incident to take real culprits to task regardless of the sect they belonged to. The focus of the meeting, according to the participant, was not to determine which side — Shia or Sunni — was the first to provoke the other but to underline why police failed to act despite knowing the sensitivity of the occasion. Summing up the findings of the investigation made so far into the killing of 11 students of Madressah, a government official, who attended the meeting, said: “It was just that the local civil administration and police couldn’t pre-empt the impact of Friday prayer on the route of main Ashura procession.” And when the two sides came face to face, police force deployed there panicked and the rest was history, he added. The official said both sides were putting the blame of incitement on each other and investigations were still on to establish what actually transpired on the fateful day. He said the prime minister was not interested in knowing causes of the incident as he repeatedly castigated police for not acting timely. After bearing the brunt of criticism targeted at the failure of police, the Inspector General of Punjab, Khan Baig, argued that enough police force, which for whatever reason failed to act, was present on the occasion, another participant confided to Dawn. Mr Baig was speechless when an official indignantly targeted the police for its cowardice. The official said the meeting also spent a considerable time on steps to guard against elements which might take advantage of the situation to stoke sectarian strife in the country. All intelligence agencies are on alert and the government is engaged with the leaders of two sides to thwart any possible reaction by hardline Sunnis. “The government has got a commitment from Shia and Sunni leaders that they will help it to defuse the situation. The government hopes that things will remain under control,” said the official. In a carefully drafted official handout about the meeting, the prime minister was quoted as saying “speech inciting hatred, stone pelting and firing are unacceptable crimes and law enforcement authorities must not show any laxity in dealing with such incidents”. It said Mr Sharif also expressed displeasure over the “criminal inaction and laxity” of police authorities. Hitting out at the “criminal silence” on the part of local administration and police on the propagation of sectarian hatred through loudspeakers and wall-chalking, the prime minister said such acts would not be tolerated. In his presentation, the Punjab police chief admitted failure of local police authorities in controlling the mob which resulted in 11 deaths and injuries to 56 people. He told the meeting that all deaths were caused by firearms and refuted claims by some quarters about missing persons in the tragic incident. Mr Baig informed the meeting that nine culprits had so far been nabbed after their identification through the aid of video footage grabbed by various media organisations. While taking note of the negative role played by social media during the tragic incident, the prime minister directed the authorities concerned to draft a cyber law within days. Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan, Minister for Information Pervez Rashid, Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif, Special Assistant to the Prime Minister Khawaja Zaheer Ahmed, Punjab Law Minister Rana Sanaullah, ISI director general Lt Gen Zaheer-ul-Islam, IB director general Aftab Sultan and officials of the Prime Minister’s Office, the interior ministry and the Punjab government attended the meeting.
SC begins contempt proceedings By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD, Nov 20: The Supreme Court formally commenced on Wednesday contempt proceedings against Defence Secretary retired Lt Gen Asif Yasin Malik for not honouring his undertaking of holding the much-needed local government elections in all 43 cantonment boards by Sept 15. . A three-judge bench headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry started the proceedings after a five-judge larger bench had on Nov 18 dismissed his intra-court appeal challenging the indictment and trial on contempt charges. The court had on Nov 5 indicted the secretary for committing its contempt. On Wednesday, the court allowed Attorney General Muneer A. Malik to withdraw himself from prosecuting the defence secretary because he remained associated with the case when the secretary had given the undertaking. In his place, Additional Attorney General Shahkhawar appeared and submitted three orders issued by the Supreme Court as evidence to prosecute the secretary. However, Iftikhar Gillani, who was representing the defence secretary, sought time and said he had yet to get instructions from his client who was in America to attend a scheduled Pakistan-US dialogue. He said Gen Malik was leading the Pakistani delegation and his presence there was necessary. “The dialogue is likely to conclude on Nov 23 after which he will return to the country,” Mr Gillani said. The court said it would commence the proceedings with the recording of evidence first and regretted that a senior government official had failed to fulfil his commitment made before the Supreme Court. The proceedings were adjourned to Dec 2.
Kayani lauds success of army in war on terror By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD, Nov 20: Army chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani praised on Wednesday performance of the troops in the fight against terrorism despite challenges. . The outgoing chief of army staff, who was presiding over the last meeting of formation commanders of his tenure, recalled the military’s successes against terrorism over the past six years. The meeting, attended by corps commanders, principal staff officers at the GHQ and formation commanders, was the largest gathering of senior military commanders ahead of his impending retirement on Nov 28. Gen Kayani, who took over the command of what was then a demoralised force in 2007, undertook effective operations against Taliban. Soon after assuming the command, he designated 2008 “The Year of the Soldier” and took steps for improving the conditions of soldiers. Next year was declared “The Year of Training”. War games were held to improve the training level. In his farewell speech, Gen Kayani recalled successes in Swat and the clearing of six of the seven tribal agencies of militants. He also spoke about reconstruction and development projects being undertaken in the cleared agencies. He said the performance of the troops on the western front was commendable despite sustained pressure on the eastern border with India. He said he was “proud of having commanded the finest army” for six years and thanked the commanders for helping him in discharge of his duties. Gen Kayani gave an overview of the challenges the army is expected to confront in the days ahead as he referred to external and internal threats. He is expected to begin his farewell calls from next week. The change of command ceremony will be held on Nov 29.
Monetary benefits of top officials to be slashed By Khaleeq Kiani ISLAMABAD, Nov 20: The government has decided to restrict huge financial benefits to bureaucrats on becoming directors or for attending meetings of the boards of directors of Public Sector Enterprises (PSEs), including financial institutions, corporations and privatised units still having government shareholding.. Finance Minister Senator Ishaq Dar said on Wednesday the decision had been taken to “rationalise the fee of the government servants nominated by the government on boards of various public sector enterprises and corporate entities”. Now maximum annual income to a government employee against board memberships has been capped at Rs600,000. The income over and above this level would be refunded and surrendered to the treasury, he said. Mr Dar described the change as part of the policy which aims to enforce austerity in PSEs and maintain financial discipline by ensuring that government servants received realistic fee for their contributions. According to an official, the government is also working to limit the membership of a bureaucrat to represent the government on a board of only one company or entity to discourage a culture of patronage under which influential bureaucrats get directorships of many companies to earn huge financial benefits and joyride trips abroad. For example, a privatised entity still having government shareholding was paying $8,000 per meeting to all members of the board along with associated perks and facilities, including foreign visits and hotel accommodations. Such meetings usually take place four times a year to approve quarterly financial results in addition to some special board meetings, said another official. A bank privatised a few years ago was offering $5,000 per head to board members and never held quarterly meetings inside Pakistan. “Imagine, if an officer is a director on these two boards. His additional income would go beyond Rs5 million over and above his government salary and perks,” said the official and added that there were many officers who represented the government on the boards of 4-5 companies at one time.The practice promoted a culture of favoritism because officers used political influence to secure board positions with some even compromising government interest in the decision-making process of the companies concerned. Some of the prominent PSEs and corporate bodies where the government has been nominating its officers on their boards are Pakistan Steel Mills, Pakistan Telecommunication Limited, United Bank, Allied Bank, Pak-Saudi Bank, Pak Libya Bank, Pak China Investment Company, Pak Kuwait Investment Company, Pak Brunei Investment Company, Saudi Pak Agricultural Company, Industrial Investment Company, Pak-Iran Investment Company, Pak-Oman Investment Company, Pak Libya Investment Company, Pakistan International Airlines Corporation, Karachi Electricity Supply Company, National Power Construction Company, Pakistan State Oil, Mari Gas Company, Pakistan Petroleum Ltd, Sui Southern Gas Company Ltd, Sui Northern Gas Company Ltd and State Life Insurance Corporation.
S takes drone attack beyond Fata By Abdul Sami Paracha KOHAT, Nov 21: In the first drone attack in an area outside the tribal region in several years, a suspected unmanned US plane struck a seminary in Hangu district on Thursday morning, killing six people, among them senior commanders of the Haqqani network. . The news stunned the country as only a day earlier Prime Minister’s Adviser on Foreign Affairs and National Security Sartaj Aziz informed a Senate committee that the United States had expressed its willingness to suspend drone attacks during peace talks with Taliban. Major political parties severely criticised the government for its failure to get the attacks stopped and Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf, which has already planned to hold protests on Saturday to block Nato supply routes, announced that the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government would come up with its response to the new attack after an emergency meeting of the cabinet, particularly because the US had expanded the area of attack beyond Fata. According to security officials, missiles fired by the drone shortly before dawn hit Darul Uloom Miftahul Quran in Tall, adjoining the Kurram tribal region bordering Afghanistan. An official in Peshawar said the seminary belonged to Qari Noor Mohammad who had affiliation with the Haqqani network. A security official said five prominent Afghan militant commanders were among those killed — Maulvi Ghazi Marjan, Ahmad Jan, Hameedullah Haqqani, Maulvi Kaleemullah and Sheikh Abdur Rehman. Another official said the sixth man killed and some who were injured were students of the seminary situated in Tandora in a small Afghan refugee camp. Local people said drones had been flying over the area since Monday. The official said Maulvi Ahmad was the financial chief of the Haqqani network and Hameedullah was a senior ‘commander’. “The Americans had been after Ahmad Jan for some time,” the sources said. This was the first drone strike on a fully settled district. Two drone strikes, one in 2008 and the other in 2009, had taken place in Bannu Frontier Region, a semi-autonomous tribal region. It is not clear if Hangu was within the box in which Pakistan was reported to have previously allowed the Americans to operate. The government publicly and officially condemns all drone strikes. The expansion of the drone strikes to settled areas should trigger alarm bells in Islamabad. “The question is: where will Pakistan draw the red line to the Americans,” a security analyst said. Our Peshawar Bureau adds: Tall police registered an initial report of the incident against unidentified persons.According to the report, shells fired from an unknown location hit Darul Uloom Miftahul Quran, which killed six people and injured eight others. “We don’t know exactly whether it was a drone strike, missile or mortar attack,” an official said. The report was registered under Sections 302 (murder) and 427 (mischief to destroy property) of Pakistan Penal Code, Section 7 of the Anti-Terrorism Act and Sections 3 and 4 of the Explosive Substance Act. The sources said Maulana Ahmad Jan was a close associate of Sirajuddin Haqqani. According to witnesses, some bodies were shifted to Afghanistan while the coffin of Hameedullah was taken to Sadda town in Kurram Agency where it was buried.
FO protests to US By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD, Nov 21: The Foreign Office protested on Thursday against US drone attack on a Haqqani network-run seminary in Hangu and reminded the US that such strikes complicated efforts for peace and stability in the country and the region.. “The government of Pakistan strongly condemns the US drone strike that took place in Tall area of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s Hangu district at 0445hrs on 21 November, 2013. These strikes are a violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity,” Foreign Office spokesman Aizaz Chaudhry said in a statement. He underscored an across the board consensus in Pakistan against the drone strikes. Referring to government’s policy on drone attacks, Mr Chaudhry said: “It has been consistently maintained that drone strikes are counter-productive, entail loss of innocent civilian lives and have human rights and humanitarian implications. Such strikes also set dangerous precedents in the inter-state relations.” These strikes, he added, had a negative impact on the government’s efforts to bring peace and stability in Pakistan and the region.
Sharif to visit Afghanistan By Baqir Sajjad Syed ISLAMABAD, Nov 21: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif will visit Afghanistan on Nov 30 for discussions on the Afghan peace and reconciliation process. . The visit follows a meeting between Prime Minister Sharif and Afghan President Hamid Karzai hosted by British Premier David Cameron in London last month in which both leaders renewed their commitment to peace and reconciliation process. A five-member delegation of Afghanistan’s High Peace Council (HPC), led by its Chairman Salahuddin Rabbani, also visited Islamabad from Tuesday till Thursday for discussions on efforts for promotion of peace and reconciliation process in Afghanistan. During its stay here, the delegation met Prime Minister Sharif and Adviser on Foreign Affairs and National Security Sartaj Aziz. “The visit is part of Pakistan’s continuing engagement with HPC for the facilitation of peace and reconciliation in Afghanistan,” Foreign Office spokesman Aizaz Chaudhry said. Another senior official denied rumours that the delegation had met Taliban leader Mullah Baradar, who was recently freed by Pakistani authorities on Afghan government’s demand for facilitating the reconciliation process. Talking to the delegation, the prime minister said that Pakistan would continue to extend all possible facilitation for Afghan peace and reconciliation process. Pakistan, he said, had always supported a peaceful, stable and united Afghanistan and it would continue playing a constructive and positive role to facilitate an Afghan-led and Afghan-owned reconciliation process. HPC chairman Salahuddin Rabbani updated the prime minister on the progress so far made in the peace process and said his (prime minister’s) visit to Afghanistan was being awaited and was expected to provide momentum to the peace and reconciliation process. A Pakistani official told Dawn said that talks with the Afghan delegation were largely about assistance offered by the Pakistan government for opening channels with the insurgency leadership for reconciliation process and proposed facilitation of refugees to cast votes in Afghan elections.
Three blasts leave five dead in Balochistan By Saleem Shahid QUETTA, Nov 21: At least five people, a police constable among them, were killed and 44 others injured in three bomb blasts in Quetta, Chaman and Kuchlak areas of Balochistan on Thursday. The injured included 11 police and Frontier Corps personnel. . The banned Baloch United Army claimed responsibility for the blast in Quetta. It was the fourth blast in Quetta within 24 hours. The three bomb blasts carried out by the same militant organisation in different parts of Quetta on Wednesday had left seven people dead and over 50 injured, including women and children. Officials said a motorcycle fitted with an explosive device was parked near the city’s Barrach market at T-Chowk on Sirki and Double roads. It was detonated by remote control at about 9.15am, killing three people on the spot and injuring 37 others. Police and FC personnel shifted the bodies and the injured to the Civil Hospital, but two of the injured died. DIG Operations Jaffar Khan told Dawn that the target was a patrol team of FC personnel. “Two FC vehicles were damaged and three personnel injured in the powerful explosion.” He said a constable was killed while eight policemen and four Balochistan Constabulary personnel were injured. Police were searching vehicles when the blast took place. “The dead include a 10-year-old rag-picker and three civilians who were passing through the area at the time of the blast,” Balochistan Home Secretary Asad Gilani said, adding that the checkpost was set up as part of security measures on the eve of 6th death anniversary of Baloch nationalist leader Mir Balaach Khan Mari. “Eight kilograms of explosives were used in the blast,” bomb disposal squad officials said. Eight vehicles were destroyed and several shops and buildings damaged. The condition of five of the injured was serious. Some of the injured were shifted to the Combined Military Hospital in Quetta. Those killed in the blast were identified as Constable Asghar Ali, Ghulam Hussain, Maroof Shah, rag-picker Ghulam Mohammad and Manzoor Ahmed. “We are investigating the incident,” a senior police officer said, adding that security had been beefed up in and around Quetta after the four blasts carried out on Wednesday. Calling journalists from an unspecified place, Baloch United Army’s spokesman Mureed Baloch said his organisation had carried out the Barrach Market bomb blast. He also claimed responsibility for the three blasts on Wednesday. In another attack in Quetta, a police constable was injured when men riding a motorcycle hurled a grenade at the Balochistan Constabulary’s Tipu Line in Sariab area. Three people, including a woman and a child, were injured in a blast near a religious seminary in Kucklak area, about 25km from Quetta, on the Quetta-Chaman Highway. Police said the bomb placed close to the Madressah went off with a bang. A wall of the Madressah and some nearby shops were damaged. Three passers-by were injured in a bomb blast in the border town of Chaman. Chaman Assistant Commissioner Ismail Ibrahim said that unknown people had parked an explosive-laden motorbike close to the Christen Colony and detonated it by remote control. Soon after the explosion, security personnel rushed to the area and shifted the injured to district hospital. No one has claimed responsibility. Balochistan Chief Minister Dr Abdul Malik Baloch condemned the blasts and ordered early arrest of the culprits.
US-Afghan deal excludes joint action against Pakistan By Anwar Iqbal WASHINGTON, Nov 21: A bilateral security agreement between the United States and Afghanistan does not endorse the Afghan demand for joint actions against military aggression by other nations, specifically Pakistan.. A draft of the agreement, posted on the official website of the Afghan Foreign Ministry, only says that the United States will regard any external aggression with “grave concern” and will “strongly oppose” military threats or force against Afghanistan after 2014. The United States plans to withdraw most of its combat troops from Afghanistan by 2014. Under the bilateral agreement, 8,000 to 12,000 US troops will remain in Afghanistan till 2024. They will participate in counter-terrorism operations, conduct search operations and will also train Afghan defence forces. When negotiations on the security agreement began, President Hamid Karzai demanded a full-fledged defence treaty, with the US obliged to respond militarily to aggression by other nations, specifically Pakistan. Although the draft says that the two countries “agree to consult on mutual responses to external aggression,” it excludes the Afghan demand. On Wednesday night, US Secretary of State John F. Kerry announced in Washington that the United States and Afghanistan had reached an agreement on a security partnership which would allow American troops to stay in the country after 2014. But he refused to disclose the details. “As we sit here tonight, we have agreed on the language that would be submitted to a Loya Jirga, but they have to pass it,” Secretary Kerry told a news briefing in Washington. “So I think it’s inappropriate for me to comment at all on any of the details. It’s up to the people of Afghanistan.” Secretary Kerry also rejected a claim by a senior Afghan official that US President Barack Obama had agreed to apologise to the Afghan people over civilian deaths in Nato military raids. The aide said that Mr Karzai demanded the apology when he spoke to Mr Kerry on Tuesday and the secretary accepted his demand. “President Karzai didn’t ask for an apology. There was no discussion of an apology,” Mr Kerry said. “I mean, it’s just not even on the table.” While the secretary did not disclose details of the deal, the US media on Thursday quoted unnamed administration officials as saying that 8,000 to 12,000 mostly American troops will stay in Afghanistan till 2024. The media reported that “this was the last sticking point in negotiations” but the Afghans accepted the US demand after Washington made it clear that it would deploy its troops in Afghanistan without this guarantee. Although the Afghan government had earlier rejected the demand for allowing US troops to conduct search operations and make arrests, the draft posted on the official Afghan website indicated that they are willing to allow both. The United States, however, has made it clear that without a bilateral security agreement, billions of dollars in annual military and development aid to Afghanistan would be at risk. Other Nato nations have also said that they would make no post-2014 commitments to Afghanistan while some aid agencies probably would cut back operations because of security concerns. According to the draft, the United States has the right to deploy American forces on nine bases, including the two biggest, the airfields in Bagram and Kandahar. US military planes can fly in and out of Afghanistan from seven air bases, including Kabul International Airport. US forces can transport supplies from five border crossings, described along with the air bases as “official points of embarkation and debarkation”. All bases in Afghanistan would revert to Afghan ownership and sovereignty after 2014.
Imran vows to block Nato routes tomorrow By Amir Wasim ISLAMABAD, Nov 21: Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf chairman Imran Khan has expressed surprise over the “silence” of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif on US drone attacks and vowed to block Nato supply routes in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa from Saturday.. Speaking at a news conference hours after a US drone attack killed six people in Hangu on Thursday, he lashed out at the prime minister for failing to raise the drone issue in his recent meeting with President Barack Obama and at the United Nations. After killing thousands of people in tribal areas, Mr Khan said, the US had now expanded its area of operations and started attacking settled areas within the limits of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. He termed Thursday’s drone strike an attack on the KP province and announced that his party would issue the names and photographs of those killed in the attack. Flanked by party’s vice chairman Shah Mehmood Qureshi and information secretary Shireen Mazari, the PTI chief said a call for blocking Nato supplies had been given from the party platform, but now an emergency meeting of the provincial cabinet had been convened and a decision of the KP government would soon be known to everyone. He said the US had been killing citizens of Pakistan, but the prime minister did not even have the courage to condemn drone attacks.He regretted that the US had carried out the drone strike only a day after the PM’s Adviser on Foreign Affairs, Sartaj Aziz, told a Senate committee that Washington had assured that it would halt drone strikes during peace talks with the Taliban. Mr Khan said it was a message from the US that it did not give any importance to the present rulers and would “keep them on the toe of its shoes”. He lamented that the country was passing through a difficult time, but the prime minister continued with his foreign trips. Asking Nawaz Sharif to come out with a clear stance on the drone issue, the PTI chairman alleged that like the previous government, the present rulers had adopted a dual policy on the drone issue. Imran Khan vowed that the PTI would hold a “historic protest” in Peshawar on Saturday against drone attacks on the peace process in the country. He challenged the PML-N leadership that if it was not afraid of the US it should support the PTI’s call for blocking the Nato routes.
ECC approves framework to regulate NGOs By Khaleeq Kiani ISLAMABAD, Nov 21: The Economic Coordination Committee of the cabinet on Thursday approved a policy framework for regulation of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) receiving foreign contributions to ensure transparent utilisation of funds and streamline their activities. . Presided over by Finance Minister Ishaq Dar, the meeting was informed that the Economic Affairs Division had been constrained to sign new memoranda of understanding with International Non-Governmental Organisations (INGOs), particularly those relating to ongoing operations. “The objective of the government is to bring transparency to the working of the organisations receiving…foreign funding and remove any difficulty which these organisations may have been facing…[in absence of] such a framework,” said Mr Dar. Under the policy framework, the memoranda with INGOs will be signed for a period up to five years. They will have to maintain a full disclosure of their activities, areas of work and sources and use of their funds. The policy says the government encourages philanthropic activities and shall not restrict any INGO from working in Pakistan in case of any calamity. However, they will need to obtain approval from the government to carry on with their work. The NGOs shall maintain local accounts for the execution of their activities and for opening and operating foreign currency accounts, they shall seek permission of the State Bank under the applicable rules. The government will grant work permit to expatriate employees and entry permit to their families in accordance with the relevant Pakistani law and they will be allowed to open and maintain offices with prior approval subject to the concurrence of the provincial or local government. The NGOs will be allowed to raise funds locally after getting prior approval from the government. Such local funds shall be exempted from income tax, subject to the provisions of Clause (58) of Part I of the second Schedule to the Income Tax Ordinance 2001. The government will also allow the income of expatriate experts to be exempted from income tax, subject to fulfilment of the requirements of section 44 of the Income Tax Ordinance, 2001. It will allow them duty-free import of goods for consumption, subject to applicable laws and prior written approval of the Federal Board of Revenue and any other relevant agency. The NGOs will be required to use money, goods and services emanating from foreign sources for its specified activities and provide complete information about it as and when required by the government. They will also be required to obtain prior concurrence of the government for any additional funding or different source of funding other than that specified in the MoU. They would appoint a country representative or other senior management personnel to implement the projects and supervise the staff and maintain contact with the government. The NGOs will employ foreign nationals against not more than 10 per cent of the total staff positions, and give preference to Pakistani nationals for key positions. The NGOs shall not employ expatriates who are in the country on any other visa and obtain prior permission from the government for visits to prohibited areas by expatriate personnel. The NGOs shall ensure that all expatriate staff, as residents or visitors, shall follow the laws and regulations of Pakistan and respect religious injunctions and cultural norms of the country. They will ensure that all Pakistani staff pay taxes besides providing annually, or when required, written reports covering their activities. The NGOs shall offer their accounts for annual audit by chartered accountants registered in Pakistan and shall not transfer, rent or lease out its possessions or allow their use for purposes other than those agreed upon in the MoU. They would also provide on yearly basis to the government independent or third party evaluation of its work and not indulge in distribution of any material or pamphlets causing, or likely to cause, religious resentment in the area of its activities. The government will immediately terminate the MoU and cancel registration of an NGO in case of non-adherence to any provision of the MoU if its activities were considered detrimental to national interest, sovereignty and integrity of Pakistan or dubious in nature, or in violation of cultural and religious sentiments of people, or for providing false information or no reasonable activity in a year. However, the NGO will be given an opportunity of being heard before the cancellation of its registration. The MoU shall come into force from the date of signatures and remain valid for a period of five years, extendable for further periods by mutual written consent. TAX ROW: The ECC disposed of a dispute over duty and tax remission for export (DTRE) for ghee export to Afghanistan. The meeting faced a question regarding an earlier decision of ECC on fixing quantity and consumption time of inputs used in manufacture of ghee to be exported to Afghanistan under DTRE Scheme. The ECC maintained that the manufacturer-cum-exporter of ghee can avail of DTRE approval for a quantity of 1,000MT at a time, which is to be consumed and exported within 90 days. Once such 1,000MT is consumed and exported, the manufacturer-cum-exporter can apply for another DTRE of the same quantity after 90 days.
Electricity tariff increased by 73 paisa per unit By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD, Nov 21: The National Electric Power Regulatory Authority (Nepra) increased on Thursday electricity tariff by 73 paisa per unit for distribution companies of Wapda to be paid by consumers from next month. . The increase was allowed under a monthly fuel adjustment formula under which actual variations in cost of power supply are transferred to consumers. The tariff increase because of high generation cost in October will not apply to consumers using less than 50 units per month or to those getting power from the Karachi Electric Supply Company and the Peshawar Electric Supply Company. Approving the new rates at a public hearing, Nepra’s acting chairman Khawaja Mohammad Naeem said the increase had forced people to reduce consumption which led to almost no loadshedding these days. But he had no facts and figures to corroborate the claim. Officials of the National Transmission and Dispatch Company (NTDC) said the demand had come down mainly because of winter and also owing to substantial hydropower generation. Some officials quietly remarked that the regulator should be ready to take the blame for loadshedding next month when hydropower generation would decline because of annual canal closure and diversion of gas to the domestic sector. The Central Power Purchase Agency (CPPA) said at the hearing that Nepra had approved a reference fuel price of Rs7.49 per unit for October, but actual generation cost surged to Rs8.23 per unit. The CPPA sold 8.169 billion units of electricity costing of Rs67.28 billion, necessitating an increase in tariff by 73 paisa per unit. Nepra was informed that the generation cost of plants using coal stood at Rs3.61 per unit, of those using diesel at Rs22.15, furnace oil at Rs15.88 and gas at Rs5.07. The generation cost of hydropower plants was less than 10 paisa per unit. The CPPA said transmission losses of the national grid stood at 3 per cent, which Nepra found to be quite high. The regulator also questioned generation of electricity by high speed diesel and wondered if all furnace oil-based capacity had been exhausted before utilising diesel-based plants. It directed the CPPA and the NTDC to provide five-year data of transmission losses and engage an independent auditor to verify the losses. Nepra said power authorities had engaged two companies for loss assessment but their reports were not bankable. Therefore, it added, a new independent consultant should be appointed and its assessment would be examined by Nepra through its in-house expertise.
Two aircraft obtained on lease join PIA fleet By Bhagwandas KARACHI, Nov 21: Two relatively new Boeing 737-800 aircraft obtained on lease from a Turkish airline were inducted into the Pakistan International Airlines fleet on Thursday, while two others are expected to arrive next week.. According to a PIA statement, the fuel-efficient 189-seat aircraft were inspected by airline’s chairman Mohammad Ali Gardezi and managing director Junaid Yunus at the Jinnah International Airport, Karachi. Mr Gardezi said on the occasion that the PIA would now be in a better position to introduce more flights. He said the aircraft would be deployed on Gulf and major domestic routes and instructed the officials concerned to speed up formalities to deploy them for operation without delay. Mr Yunus said these aircraft had been acquired from Corendon Airlines of Turkey and another two similar aircraft would be received, also on damp lease, from Travel Services of Czech Republic next week. He said the PIA had recently introduced additional flights on Toronto and Kuala Lumpur routes. With the increase in the number of aircraft in its fleet, the national airline will offer flights to new destinations and increase frequencies on existing profitable routes.
No politics on national issues, says Nawaz By Amin Ahmed ISLAMABAD, Nov 22: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif said here on Friday that his government would be above politics while dealing with issues of national importance, including economy and security. . Addressing the “Vision 2025 — Stakeholders Conference”, he said: ”Our vision aims at building a strong, enlightened, prosperous and peaceful Pakistan which ensures a sustained improvement in the quality of life of all its citizens.” The country, he said, needed unanimity at all levels, including civil society and state institutions, and consensus on national priorities, needs and goals. “Although Pakistan has seen improvement in many areas over the years, there is still a long way to go.” The prime minister stressed the need for urgently handling the issue of poverty and said that while poverty was on the decline in the world it was increasing in Pakistan. He said the federal government wanted to see harmony among provinces and was against interfering in their affairs. He said security concerns needed to be addressed to help attract foreign investment, adding that during his visit to Beijing the Chinese had expressed their concern over the security situation in Pakistan, especially after the terrorist attack on tourists at Nanga Parbat. “There is a need to counter security threats in order to restore peace in the country.” The prime minister said it was his sincere desire that cases relating to acts of terrorism should be decided within two weeks and there should be no bail for those involved in heinous crimes. He regretted that court cases lingered on for decades which denied justice to the masses. He said he wanted to make Pakistan a citadel of peace where people felt secure, with no threat to life and property and the menaces of terrorism and kidnapping for ransom eradicated. SECTARIANISM: The prime minister regretted misuse of loudspeakers at places of worship and said it fanned sectarianism, extremism and terrorism. “This misuse must be stopped and enforced strictly to stop any hate speech,” he said, adding that the provincial governments should take strict measures and, if needed, undertake necessary legislation. The situation will improve significantly if the provinces awarded exemplary punishment to elements responsible for fanning sectarianism, he added. Mr Sharif said that overcoming sectarianism and countering terrorism was necessary because the country’s very existence depended on it. Pakistan, he said, was currently at the lowest tier in terms of security and needed extraordinary measures to restore peace. LOADSHEDDING: The prime minister said measures were being taken to end loadshedding for good. Major projects in the power sector will generate additional 17,000MW to meet the country’s industrial and domestic needs. Work on Diamer-Bhasha and Bunji dams will be taken up by the government. The prime minister said he would perform the groundbreaking of a civil nuclear power plant in Karachi next week. The plant is being set up with the Chinese assistance. He referred to the presence of the four chief ministers at the conference and said that for him Pervez Khattak was as important as Shahbaz Sharif because he sincerely wanted the system to work. About the Charter of Democracy he had signed with former prime minister Benazir Bhutto, he said he remained committed to it. For him, he said, the interests of the country were always supreme. When he was in the opposition, he said, he had served the nation to the best of his ability and never played the role of a friendly opposition. Over 1,000 professionals and experts from public and private sectors, business community, politicians, members of civil society, academia and media attended the conference convened to address the economic challenges.
NICL scam: SC orders NAB chief’s prosecution By Nasir Iqbal ISLAMABAD, Nov 22: Another chairman of the National Accountability Bureau has again come under a cloud. The Supreme Court ordered on Friday prosecution under the accountability law of NAB’s new Chairman Qamar Zaman Chaudhry for abusing his authority as a civil servant and also incriminated a whole bunch of top bureaucrats, some of them still serving, as well as a senior PPP politician responsible for the crime warranting cases against them. . The damning indictment came in a 52-page detailed verdict in the Rs1.68 billion National Insurance Company Limited (NICL) scam as well as contempt of court charges against senior government officials, including the NAB chairman. Authored by Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, the judgment said that the December 2009 appointment of Ayaz Khan Niazi as NICL chairman was illegal, unwarranted and contrary to the Insurance Ordinance 2000. It also pointed finger, though prime facie, at former commerce minister Makhdoom Amin Fahim of the PPP, Qamar Zaman Chaudhry (then additional commerce secretary), former commerce secretary Suleman Ghani, former establishment secretary Ismail Qureshi and former acting principal secretary to the prime minister Nargis Sethi for their involvement in the scam. According to the verdict, they are liable to be tried under Section 9(a VI) of the National Accountability Ordinance 1999 which suggests punishment of jail term of up to 14 years for the holder of a public office for misusing his authority to gain any benefit or favour for himself or any other person. However, the verdict puts the NAB chairman in a tight position because besides having been found guilty of the offence, he has been asked to initiate cases against the other accused under the NAB law. “His situation is irreconcilable because on the one hand he has to proceed against others but, on the other, he himself is involved,” senior Supreme Court lawyer Waqar Rana said. The fitness of things would demand that he resign forthwith from his post because “Caesar’s wife has to be above suspicion”, he said. The verdict against Qamar Zaman, who will also be prosecuted separately for committing contempt of court, drew an immediate reaction from Leader of Opposition in the National Assembly Khurshid Ahmed Shah of the PPP who described it as an insult to parliament. Soon after the verdict, Qamar Zaman, who was appointed as NAB chairman on Oct 10 after hectic consultations between Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and the leader of opposition, went on a long leave. The appointment was also challenged by PTI chief Imran Khan in the Supreme Court. Earlier, former leader of opposition Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan had challenged the appointment of retired Justice Deedar Hussain Shah as well as retired Admiral Fasih Bokhari to the post. Deedar Shah’s appointment was set aside by the Supreme Court on March 10, 2011, and that of Fasih Bokhari on May 28 this year. Former NAB chief Nawid Ahsan had to resign after the apex court had on Dec 16, 2009, declared the controversial National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) illegal and expressed displeasure over the conduct and lack of proper and honest assistance and cooperation to the court. Referring to the April 18, 2011, transfer of then additional director general retired Capt Zafar Ahmed Qureshi, who was overseeing the NICL investigation, to the National Police Foundation (NPF) as managing director, the verdict implicated former FIA director general Malik Muhammad Iqbal, former establishment secretary Abdul Rauf Chaudhry, former principal secretary to the prime minister Khushnood Lashari and former FIA director in Lahore Waqar Haider for creating hurdles and hampering the smooth and transparent investigation entrusted to Zafar Qureshi. They will also face charges under Section 9(a VI) of the NAO for allegedly letting Ayaz Khan Niazi and others to benefit from the public money looted from the NICL through non-transparent transaction. Qamar Zaman, Abdul Rauf Chaudhry, Khushnood Lashari, Malik Muhammad Iqbal and former interior minister Rehman Malik will also face contempt charges separately. Rehman Malik is already facing a contempt charge for interfering in the NICL investigation. The verdict regretted that the FIA had failed to recover Rs420 million from accused Mohsin Habib Warraich as well as Moonis Elahi, son of former Punjab chief minister Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi, for whom £1.138 million was deposited with EFG Private Bank Ltd, London, in the name of a company owned by him and another account in the name of Beenish Khan (wife of Mohsin Habib Warraich) in Barclays Bank London. The court directed the NAB chairman to take necessary steps to recover the outstanding amount and also arrest Mohsin Habib Warraich and NICL officials Amin Qasim Dada and Khalid Anwar as early as possible.
Zaman goes on leave By Syed Irfan Raza ISLAMABAD: National Accountability Bureau Chairman Qamar Zaman Chaudhry went on leave for an indefinite period soon after the Supreme Court ordered action against him in the National Insurance Company Limited (NICL) case on Friday. . Mr Zaman, who served as NAB chief for about 40 days, informed President Mamnoon Hussain that he was going on leave for personal reasons. It is believed that he left the office because the apex court ordered NAB to further investigate the case in which he was accused of facilitating the appointment of former NICL chairman as additional commerce secretary and removing the investigating officer from the case. “The chairman on his own request to the president has proceeded on leave,” NAB spokesman Ramzan Sajid said. Qamar Zaman, said to be close to Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, was appointed on Oct 10, but the appointment was challenged by the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf in the Supreme Court. Before going on leave, Mr Zaman delegated his powers to the deputy chairman. The spokesman said Mr Zaman did not want to influence the NICL investigation and, therefore, he preferred to go on leave till the case was decided. But he also faces a contempt of court case for removing an FIA official overseeing investigation into the NICL scam. Meanwhile, Leader of Opposition in the National Assembly Khursheed Ahmed Shah of the PPP came to the defence of Mr Zaman and said in a statement that the SC decision to initiate a case against the NAB chairman was an ‘insult’ to parliament. “Qamar Zaman Chaudhry’s appointment was made solely in accordance with the constitution and that he was not involved in corruption,” he claimed. Mr Shah said there was a prescribed method in the constitution to remove NAB chairman and he could not be sent home in what he called an un-constitutional manner.
Drone attacks are condemnable: PM ISLAMABAD, Nov 22: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has said that unlike its predecessors, his government has no hesitation in condemning the US drone strikes.. “The government has always taken a forthright and genuine stance in condemning the drone attacks. We condemn these acts from the core of our heart,” the prime minister said on Friday, referring to news reports that gave the impression that the government was not serious in condemning these strikes. Nawaz Sharif said the government never took a casual stance on drone attacks and always termed them a violation of the country’s sovereignty. The premier mentioned his meeting with US President Barack Obama in Washington, followed by a presser in which he had clearly stated that drone strikes were unacceptable. He said all stakeholders must remain united on issues of national security and should refrain from misguiding the nation about the government’s sincerity.—APP
Two blasts claim 7 lives in Karachi By Imtiaz Ali KARACHI, Nov 22: Back to back bomb blasts on a busy street in Karachi’s Ancholi area on Friday night left seven people, including a boy, dead. At least 28 people suffered injuries while a number of shops and vehicles were badly damaged. . The deafening explosions were heard miles away, sowing fear in the city hours after demonstrations were held under tight security to denounce the Rawalpindi violence on Ashura day. The blasts occurred at some distance from an Imambargah in Ancholi, Federal B. Area. “We received five bodies, including that of a little boy, at Abbasi Shaheed Hospital,” said police surgeon Dr Jalil Qadir. Among the dead was Salik Jafferi, an associate producer with Geo Television. Shahid Hayat Khan, the chief of Karachi police, said initial reports suggested the two bombs had been fitted to motorbikes. “The attacks were carried out on sectarian grounds,” he said. According to Amir Farooqi, the Karachi Central SSP, the two bombs weighed up to five kilograms each and were detonated through mobile phone devices within a space of 30 seconds. He said the bombs were placed between Blocks 17 and 18 of Federal B. Area — at a considerable distance from the Imambargah in Ancholi — as the “criminals were unable to break through the high security blanket leading to the place”. “Timing of the blasts seems unusual as it occurred at 11.35pm. Perhaps the criminals’ motive was to cause chaos,” the SSP added. CONDEMNATION: The Majlis-i-Wahdatul Muslimeen condemned the attacks and called for a three-day mourning. The MWM’s chief, Allama Raja Nasir Abbas, called it a ‘cowardly act of terrorism’ aimed at triggering panic and violence in the country. “The government must come up with measures that show its resolve against terrorism. The nation already knows the conspirators and its enemies,” he said in a statement. The Muttahida Qaumi Movement advised the people of Karachi to peacefully observe a mourning day on Saturday. CM’S DIRECTIVE: Sindh Chief Minister Qaim Ali Shah, who also holds additional charge of home minister, asked the inspector-general of police and the additional inspector-general to take action against the culprits. Mr Shah directed police and the Rangers to take measures for protecting life and property. He also called upon hospitals to provide prompt medical treatment to the injured. The chief minister said such criminal acts would not affect the ongoing operation against outlaws.
Thousands rally against Rawalpindi violence Dawn Report ISLAMABAD, Nov 22: Thousands of religious activists attended processions and meetings held across the country on Friday in protest against last week’s sectarian violence in Rawalpindi, amid unusually tight security in major cities. . Schools, shops and restaurants were closed in Rawalpindi while roads were deserted also in Islamabad. Police blocked certain roads in the two cities with containers and sealed approaches to the diplomatic enclave housing foreign embassies. Police, Rangers and army soldiers were deployed in major cities and towns, including Lahore, Karachi, Peshawar, Quetta and Multan. In Rawalpindi, Maulana Ahmad Ludhianvi, who heads Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat (ASWJ), said: “We know how to fight enemies of Islam and we are fighting them.” In Quetta, Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (Ideological) and ASWJ separately took out processions to condemn the Rawalpindi riots. All trading centres, shopping plazas and business establishments were closed in the city and suburbs. Addressing protest rallies after Juma prayers, Maulana Abdul Qadir Luni of JUI-I and Maulana Muhammad Ramzan Mengal of ASWJ said the torching of a mosque was a great sin and no Muslim could do that. They alleged that the enemies of Islam were promoting differences among various sects and fanning hatred. Speakers demanded immediate arrest of the culprits involved in the Rawalpindi riots. In Karachi, about 15,000 people attended an ASWJ rally and raised slogans against the government and rival sects. All shops, restaurants and petrol stations in the city remained closed and roads were deserted amid a heavy deployment of police and paramilitary troops, a reporter said. Several Shia organisations also held demonstrations in different areas of the city on Friday. Major events were held outside mosques in Kharadar, Nazimabad, Malir, Abbas Town and North Karachi. The protests were organised by Majlis-i-Wahdatul Muslimeen, Jafria Alliance, Imamia Students Organisation and Shia Action Committee. Leaders of the organisations demanded a judicial commission to probe the Rawalpindi tragedy and attacks on Imambargahs across the country. In Punjab, religious parties took out peaceful processions and organised gatherings in mosques. ASWJ, JUI-S and Jamaat-i-Islami jointly held demonstrations in Lahore and other cities in the province. JUI-F, Jamaatud Dawa, Sunni Ittehad Council and Majlis-i-Wahdatul Muslimeen held separate meetings and adopted resolutions condemning the Rawalpindi carnage and calling for peace and harmony.
KP govt to hold protest in front of US embassy By Intikhab Amir PESHAWAR, Nov 22: The Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government decided on Friday to hold protests in front of the US embassy in Islamabad and consulate in Peshawar and the National Assembly building against the Hangu drone attack.. An emergency meeting of the provincial cabinet held with chief minister Pervez Khattak in the chair, formed a three-member committee to work out details of the protests and garner support of other political parties, Information Minister Shah Farman said at a press conference. The cabinet, he said, severely criticised the violation of the province’s territory and decided to protest to the federal government and the prime minister and to demonstrate in front of the US embassy and its consulate. The minister said that members of national assembly and provincial assemblies belonging to coalition partners would attend the demonstrations in front of the US embassy, the consulate in Peshawar, the National Assembly building, and the UN Mission in Islamabad. “We are on the same page as it is a matter of our national pride and sovereignty,” Jamaat-i-Islami’s Inayatullah Khan, the provincial minister for local government and rural development, said, referring to an agreement among JI, Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf, and Awami Jamhoori Ittehad Pakistan (AJIP), a Swabi-based political party. Provincial Agriculture Minister Shahraam Tarakai who belongs to the AJIP said the coalition partners had agreed to work jointly for restoration of peace and stand against attacks on national sovereignty. Mr Farman said that since the foreign policy was a federal subject, the provincial government had decided to protest to the federal government and prime minister against the territorial violation of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The provincial cabinet, he said, believed that another all-party conference should be immediately convened to discuss the Hangu attack and evolve a joint policy against drone attacks and military supplies to foreign forces in Afghanistan. He said the ministerial committee would contact leaders of all political parties to invite them to join a sit-in in front of the National Assembly building and demonstrations in front of the US consulate, its embassy and the UN mission. The provincial government firmly believes that there is a serious need to hold an APC and review the situation afresh because the US was bent upon violating ‘our sovereignty’. He said the UN had already declared drone strikes a violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty and the Amnesty International had taken note of the killing of innocent civilians. All political parties, he said, needed to sit together to evolve a plan to defend national sovereignty. Replying to a question, he said, if the federal government did not convene the APC, the PTI would reserve the right to take the initiative and convene one on its own. He accused the US of spoiling Pakistan’s efforts to reach a negotiated settlement of its internal security crisis and said the PTI believed that it was a ‘unique war’ in which two parties (the federal government and militants) wanted to negotiate to resolve the issue, but the third party (the US) was destroying the process. The provincial government, he said, was of the opinion that Pakistan needed the leadership to take a bold stand against the US aggression.
756km march of missing men’s kin ends at KPC By Saher Baloch KARACHI, Nov 22: The protesting families of Balochistan’s missing men reached Karachi Press Club on Friday after an arduous march of 756 kilometres spread over 25 days. . The marchers stayed for the night at Yusuf Goth, in Gadap Town. Initially the long march, which began from Quetta Press Club on October 27, comprised only the families of the missing men. But on reaching Karachi, a large number of Baloch men, women and children hailing from Hub, Malir, Moach Goth and Lyari joined them at Lyari’s Aath Chowk, raising its strength to over 100 people. In addition, young volunteers, some on motorbikes and some on foot and with their faces covered, joined the march at Hub. They did so after learning that Qadeer Baloch, vice-president of the Voice of Baloch Missing Persons, had received threats to his life, one of them told Dawn. An hour before the families reached KPC, two young men were busy in setting up a protest camp covered with pictures of men who had gone missing. A woman, from Malir, was sitting nearby clutching a passport-sized picture of her brother who went missing from Sharea Faisal on May 22 this year. The brother, Shakir Haider, was a technician who “just disappeared one night”. She was hopeful that media’s presence at the press club might help her in finding her brother. Also seen were members of the proscribed Jiye Sindh Muttahida Mahaz (JSMM), shouting slogans in solidarity with “abducted workers” and “our Baloch brothers”. However, as soon as the families reached Shaheen Complex, on M.R. Kayani Road, a woman managing the long march asked political workers to put their party flags aside. “This is not a political rally. We are not here to make a political statement,” she shouted into the microphone. At the press club, rose petals were showered on the families while members of the KPC welcomed them with garlands and Ajrak. Members of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) and other rights groups were also present to express solidarity with the families of the missing. Looking burnt out and thin, ‘Mama’ Qadeer Baloch, as he is now affectionately called by many, found it difficult to speak for a few minutes. But as soon as he regained enough strength, he said: “I won’t sell myself or compromise on our cause in any way. There are some people who asked me on phone to quote my price. I just want to tell them that this protest is not going to end anytime soon.” CM COMES UNDER FLAK: Standing beside him, Farzana Majeed, sister of missing senior office-holder of Baloch Student Organisation (BSO-Azad) Zakir Majeed, said: “It is shameful that Balochistan Chief Minister Abdul Malik Baloch called it a ‘seasonal march’ while speaking to a TV channel. “I just want to ask him: ‘Did you feel the same when you came to our camp in Quetta asking us to vote for you?’ ” There was utter chaos outside the press club as everyone wanted to salute the families for their fortitude and tenacity. Once inside the club, Qadeer Baloch spoke about the hardship they faced during their trek to Karachi. “My feet are still burning from blisters. I thank the women in the march for giving me courage and perseverance to pull ahead.” He dwelled on the threats to the life of families who participated in the long march. “As we speak, our homes are being raided. One of our activists is sitting like a captive inside his own home as he is being threatened with death if he joined the long march.” He informed media that there had been attempts on his life as well. “On our way from Hub, a car tried to hit me thrice, scattering other members of the long march as well,” he recalled. Once again, Qadeer Baloch spoke about the remarks of the chief minister and called it an “example of insensitivity to misery”. He showed resentment over the recent remarks made by Senator Mir Hasil Khan Bizenjo, a leader of the National Party, that the province had not received any mutilated bodies. “I inform him that we received bodies of two Baloch students just three days ago,” Qadeer retorted. The past five years were worse for Balochistan than even the Musharraf era, Qadeer observed regretfully. “During the Musharraf era, those who disappeared came back home within a year or two. But over the past five years we received only mutilated bodies dumped in all corners of the province.” On his part, the chief minister lamented that he was being accused unfairly. “I haven’t said anything like that on any news channel. Instead, I recently said that holding a long march is their (the missing families’) democratic right. He (Mama Qadeer) has probably misunderstood me. “I believe those who marched all the way from Quetta to Karachi are like members of my family.” Speaking about the missing, he said there was no “exact figure to quote so I won’t get into that,” but insisted that he wanted to “work on releasing missing men”. The families will start sitting inside the camp at KPC from Saturday. Qadeer Baloch said he would hold a press conference within a day or two on the issue of missing men.
Provinces achieve budget surplus By Khaleeq Kiani ISLAMABAD, Nov 22: The four provincial governments have achieved an accumulated budget surplus of over Rs121 billion in the first quarter (July-Sept) of the current fiscal year – higher than their annual target – to help the centre meet fiscal targets set by the International Monetary Fund.. In its budget, the federal government had set a target of Rs23bn to come from provincial surpluses which was increased to Rs117bn when the government signed an agreement with the IMF. According to the finance ministry’s data, provinces achieved an accumulated fiscal balance of Rs121.6bn in the first three months of the fiscal year. The highest share of Rs47.31bn cash balance came from Punjab, followed by Rs33.08bn from Sindh, Rs23.4bn from Balochistan and Rs17.8bn from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Official sources said that major savings from the provinces appeared in the shape of reduced transfers under the Public Sector Development Programme. This is evident from the fact that provincial PSDP expenditure in the first three months of the current year was contained at Rs34.6bn compared with Rs38bn in the same period last year. The drop attains significance because it happened despite the fact that overall allocations for the development programme for the current year had been set about 40 per cent higher than the last year. Of the total provincial cash surplus, an amount of Rs92bn was used to finance the country’s consolidated fiscal deficit while about Rs29bn was retained by the provinces. The centre had been contemplating negotiating a binding agreement with the provinces to have statutory limits on their fiscal balances and enhanced limits on provincial borrowings to help contain the consolidated deficit. However, provinces reluctantly agreed to the extent of providing surpluses as a voluntary and interim arrangement instead of institutionalising it to protect their rights under the National Finance Commission Award. Officials in the federal government have welcomed provincial facilitation under a voluntary scheme, but they insist there is a need to link any future increase in provincial share with their fresh taxation measures so that their share in consolidated taxes goes up from the current dismal contribution of about 6pc of total revenues. Given the fact that the current NFC Award has about two more years to expire, the centre was able to secure cooperation from the provinces outside the NFC. As part of discussions with the IMF under its bailout package, the government had given an undertaking that revenue sharing system would be reformed to increase provinces’ incentives to rely less on federal transfers and more on their own revenue-raising efforts. Agriculture, real estate and some services are still outside the effective tax net falling within the authority of the provinces.
Editorial NEWS
Unfortunate exception: Trouble in Rawalpindi WHILE the 10th of Muharram passed off peacefully across the country on Friday, including in highly sensitive locations such as Karachi, Quetta and Bhakkar, Rawalpindi proved to be the exception. As these lines were being written on Saturday, the garrison town was under curfew to prevent Friday’s violence from being repeated. A number of people were killed and many more injured as a communal clash broke out when mourners marched past a mosque. Reportedly, provocative speeches were being made from the mosque, which caused the already tense situation to spiral out of control. Apart from this incident, a heavy layer of security prevented other potential tragedies, as police and security forces claimed capturing or eliminating militants in Islamabad, Karachi and Chaman. The security apparatus’ measures need to be appreciated as over the years, securing the hundreds of Ashura majalis and processions across Pakistan has become a major challenge for the state, given the rise in militancy and the fact that these religious events appear as ‘soft’ targets.. Considering the above, the unfortunate events in Rawalpindi could have been prevented had the authorities taken proper measures. Was the security and intelligence apparatus unaware of potential flashpoints in the city, especially when Rawalpindi has previously experienced violence during Muharram? The sensitivity of the day was heightened by the fact that it was a Friday; the authorities must have been aware of the potential for disturbances as mourners marched past sensitive areas. Such areas should have been secured by deploying additional troops, while the authorities should have stepped in when the first signs of trouble emerged. What is positive, though, is the restraint shown by the Shia and Sunni communities nationwide even after news of the riots spread. Despite the ugly incident, no other major communal clash occurred in any other part of Pakistan. But the violence that occurred in Rawalpindi goes to show that communal disturbances are never far from the surface and can be stoked by the slightest provocation. The event also shows how firebrand preachers can exploit people’s religious feelings and instigate communal violence through hate speech. The state needs to keep a much keener eye on such divisive elements, and the use of microphones must be strictly monitored — something level-headed people in this country have long highlighted. The Rawalpindi disturbances should serve as a lesson in preventive law enforcement and intelligence gathering for the future so that such ugly incidents are not repeated.
Fine line: Documentation of NGOs TOO much in this country goes unregulated and it was in this spirit, perhaps, that in July the Economic Coordination Committee formulated a panel to review the regulatory framework of non-governmental organisations that are receiving funds from abroad. Consequently, on Wednesday the ECC approved the draft policy for the ‘Regulation of Organisations Receiving Foreign Contributions’, which will remain in place until legislation is introduced. The policy requires any NGO registered inside or outside the country to officially list itself with the economic affairs division before soliciting or utilising foreign economic assistance, including money, services and goods. Documentation about the work the NGO wishes to carry out and its area of operations will need to be submitted. These details will be vetted by the interior ministry and the provincial governments within a stipulated period. A five-year memorandum of understanding will be signed, and there are provisions about account auditing and annual reports.. Given the detail with which the draft policy requires NGO affairs to be scrutinised, there is a need to remain vigilant about balance: while regulation is, of course, imperative and urgent, the red tape should not be so complicated as to discourage NGOs from the work they do, much of which is admirable and critical. The state’s duty to keep itself apprised of where funds, services and goods are coming from and where they are being utilised must be tempered with the recognition that its own incapacities are what cause the gaps that the NGOs fill. In virtually every sphere, be it healthcare, education, vocational training or child protection, work that should be undertaken by the central and provincial authorities would go undone if NGOs did not intervene. It is true that there have been cases where segments of this sector have been accused of corruption and nepotism; yet the government too has on occasion been guilty of using regulatory mechanisms as a tool of harassment. The vetting authorities will have a fine line to tread in the case of NGOs.
Laws need revision: Saudi crackdown BESIDES being a humanitarian issue, Saudi Arabia’s crackdown on illegal immigrants has already resulted in economic consequences for the kingdom. While thousands of migrant workers have turned themselves in, nearly 40,000 have been arrested or gone into hiding. The impact on the economy is to be seen in the rise in the cost of services and the closure of a large number of businesses, shopping centres, gas stations and restaurants, because they were staffed mostly by expatriate workers. Nearly 20,000 schools are without janitors, and garbage is piling high. About 40pc of construction firms have stopped work since it was the immigrants who had provided the muscle for the physically tough jobs that Saudis shun.. The kingdom’s illegal migration phenomenon is decades old, and is built into the system because of the inadequacy of Saudi labour laws. Most workers, especially at the lower rung, are little better than slaves — their passports remain with their employers, they cannot leave the country on their own nor change jobs, thus forcing many to work illegally. There is some justification for the government’s concerns, because jobless immigrants also create social problems that evoke the ire even of Saudi citizens. However, their mass deportation is not going to help the government or Saudi economy. The kingdom, no doubt, has a high level of unemployment among Saudis. But the migrant workers’ exit is unlikely to solve the problem because Saudis, enjoying healthcare benefits and subsidised electricity and petrol, do not take up menial jobs. What is needed is a revision of Saudi labour laws to make them a little less harsh for migrant labour the oil-rich kingdom cannot do without. As an area specialist put it, the immigrant workers’ blood was in “the stones and buildings” of the kingdom.
New focus: Treason proceedings WITH the country still reeling from the weekend’s sectarian violence and urgent questions being asked about the government’s will and capacity to lead from the front, Interior Minister Nisar Ali Khan decided yesterday to change the subject. Perhaps not surprising — if still very depressing — the chosen object of the diversion was even less surprising: Pervez Musharraf. The government, the interior minister announced, is ready to initiate treason proceedings against the former military dictator. So why now? The government will predictably hide behind the fig leaf of having had to wait for the mandated investigation to be completed first. It may even be privately argued that as Mr Musharraf slowly and methodically disentangled himself from the legal thicket he had been ensnared in, now was the time to revisit the treason issue lest the former dictator leave the country never to come back. Inevitably, few of the explanations proffered will be accepted at face value, there being an old habit of governments to change the subject when under pressure.. This paper has consistently held that Mr Musharraf should face trial for his October 1999 coup. Unhappily, that is the one issue no one in government or the judiciary seems to want to push. Instead, the focus has stayed on the November 2007 emergency declared by Mr Musharraf and a plethora of other charges that satisfy various narrow political considerations. Even now, there will be plenty of doubt that the proceedings will be seen through to their conclusion with a guilty verdict handed down after the special prosecutor and defence are heard by the special tribunal that will hear the case. After all, in none of the other cases that Mr Musharraf has been embroiled in has there been much movement beyond giving the former army chief bail. Still, having upped the ante so publicly now, there will be some pressure on the government and the higher judiciary to deliver at least something. Quite what that can be short of a conviction is difficult to predict at this moment. Perhaps the template will be the government’s handling of the weekend’s violence and national criticism heaped on the government. Some bluster and bombast at press conferences, some solemn pledges in parliament, some attempt to be seen to be doing something — and then simply wait for the next crisis to divert the already short national attention span. It is surely not a good way to lead a country or run a government. But as the problems pile up and the fear grows, true leadership seems to be the last thing on the minds of the country’s leaders.
Negative implications: Wealth tax exemption THE Nawaz Sharif government has already rolled back most tax measures that it had proudly introduced in its first budget with a view to documenting the economy and expanding the tax base. Now it has exempted taxpayers who have less than Rs1m in income or assets from filing their wealth statement and wealth reconciliation statement. The financial implications of the government’s swift retreat for its budget are unclear as yet. But the move will definitely have far-reaching effects on efforts to net tax dodgers. Exemptions from budgetary tax measures seem to have been allowed under pressure from Punjab’s trading community that forms the core of the ruling PML-N constituency. The authorities have been led to believe that the rollback of tax reforms will induce the traders to file their tax returns in droves, without any fear of the tax collectors. Will they? Few, if any, believe that this will be the case.. Finance Minister Ishaq Dar assured the business community in Lahore on Saturday that the government would not resort to any ‘harsh measure’ to broaden the tax base. Instead, he said, it would pursue policies that would see people ‘voluntarily’ pay their taxes. His statement has made many wonder as to how the filing of tax returns or wealth statements, irrespective of the size of the taxpayers’ income or value of assets, can be categorised as a harsh measure in a country where less than 0.6pc of the total population files returns. The reversal of the tax reforms will only delay the documentation of the economy and defeat efforts to increase the share of direct taxes in total revenues. In its monetary policy statement, the State Bank of Pakistan has warned the government against relying on inflationary indirect taxation and non-tax revenues and has, in fact, advised it to implement (unpopular) tax reforms for long-term financial stability. The sooner the government’s financial management team heeds the bank’s advice the better it will be for both the economy and the people.
Prisons apart: The Swedish way OBVIOUSLY, the system in Sweden lacks Pakistani expertise on filling up jails. According to a news report last week, the Swedish justice authorities have decided to close down four prisons and a remand centre. If that was not enough proof of serious work shirking, in a most unabashed admission the prison service head there described it as an “opportunity”, instead of apologising to the public for not being able to duly put criminals behind bars. “Now we have an opportunity to close down a part of our infrastructure that we don’t need at this point in time,” the Swedish official said, and that remark should have booked him a seat on the next plane to Pakistan for a study trip.. The Pakistani expertise in overstuffing prisons is legendary. Not only do the police here have a knack of picking up suspects at will, they work by a system which ensures that an unwanted element that has been put behind bars does not come out easily. Trials and convictions are delayed and bails are often easier denied than granted. The idea is to not rehabilitate but humiliate the guilty, and everyone knows the police in Pakistan do not necessarily need the courts to tell them who to keep captive for how long. The Punjab police lead the pack, generously hosting more than twice the numbers for which the jails in the province were built for. The number goes down as we move to the smaller provinces, and it is in Gilgit-Baltistan that we get an example which can perhaps be compared with the Swedish model. The rioting by inmates or the calls for new prison rules, however, are not limited to Punjab. These calls have been ignored for far too long at the cost of justice.
Rawalpindi aftermath: Sectarian violence THE sectarian clash that occurred in Rawalpindi on Friday as an Ashura procession was being taken out is having dangerous repercussions across the country, as violence has refused to subside. Deaths were reported on Monday in a communal clash in Kohat and the army had to be called in to control the situation. And while curfew was lifted in Rawalpindi, the city remained tense, with troops still patrolling, especially in the old city. In Multan and Bahawalnagar, which saw violence on Saturday, the situation was improving. Meanwhile, Punjab law minister Rana Sanaullah’s comments in which he appeared to some groups to be apportioning blame for the Rawalpindi riots are a classic example of poor judgement shown by state functionaries at a delicate time. Considering the sensitivity of the matter, specifically in Punjab, the minister should not have made the impolitic remarks he did, especially when the Lahore High Court has formed a one-man commission to investigate the violence.. At this point, all parties need to proceed with great caution to prevent the disturbances from degenerating into a wider communal conflict. Friday’s clash, reportedly sparked by an inflammatory sermon, shows the need for the state to clamp down on hate speech without discrimination. For this, the use of microphones in mosques and other places of worship to rouse people’s religious feelings must be strictly monitored. True, the major ulema of different sects have preached restraint in the aftermath of the Rawalpindi episode; but the real power to incite worshippers lies in the hands of the neighbourhood mosque’s prayer leader. It is his sermons that can set the direction for the worshippers — restraint in the case of provocation or condemnation of different sects and religions can mean the difference between life and death. Such vigilance must be year-round, and enhanced during sensitive periods. The unfortunate events of the last few days are indicative of the level of polarisation in society on religious and sectarian grounds. The divide has begun to cut through class lines as well, with seemingly ‘educated’ people condoning violence in the name of faith. Religious and community leaders need to work overtime to defuse communal tension, and the state, while aiding such efforts, must improve its conflict-management capabilities. True, security preparations overall were commendable during Ashura, but Rawalpindi proved the exception, the tension spilling into other cities. The LHC commission must be allowed to freely investigate the matter and deliver timely results to the public in the interests of justice and communal harmony.
Unheeded cry for help: March for the ‘missing’ IT constitutes a picture that any society would find unbearably moving — if that society still had it in itself to care: a group of some two dozen people, mainly women and children, resolutely traversing on foot the long and arduous terrain from Quetta to Karachi. Led by Mama Qadeer Baloch, they clutch pictures of loved ones who have ‘gone missing’, a euphemism for men thought to have been illegally apprehended and detained by the shadowy intelligence and security apparatus. The march has been undertaken by the advocacy group Voice for Baloch Missing Persons. Why? Because despite the ‘missing persons’ having been an issue for several years now, despite sporadic initiatives by various parties and the mouthing of good intentions, despite the Supreme Court’s instructions, there has been no meaningful progress. Mutilated bodies of men continue to be found dumped across the province, and even in Karachi; calls for the security establishment to disclose the facts go ignored — as does the plight of the families of the missing by both state and citizenry that seem to have washed their hands of Balochistan and its many legitimate grievances.. Who will really be to blame if things continue to go from bad to worse in Balochistan? Those that resort to extra-judicial detention and killings, of course; but must not a fair proportion of the blame be shouldered by a citizenry and state bureaucracy that shies away from looking gross injustice in the eye, simply because those suffering do not constitute an influential lobby in the corridors that matter? Such is the disillusionment of the VBMP that the marchers refused to speak even to a member of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan: “They hear us out but they don’t do anything,” said one of the activists. One of the marchers said that “If nobody listens to us in Karachi, I’ll go to Islamabad. If nothing happens there, I’ll go on foot to the UN headquarters.” What will it take to make Pakistanis care?
Time for a probe: Human rights in Sri Lanka SRI LANKAN President Mahinda Rajapaksa ran into trouble well before the latest Commonwealth summit got under way in Colombo. India, Canada and Mauritius refused to attend citing Sri Lanka’s rights record. That, it turned out, was just the beginning. From among those who attended the summit, Britain’s Prime Minister David Cameron slipped into Jaffna to ask after the survivors of a three-decade conflict that killed tens of thousands. According to estimates, government troops may have killed up to 40,000 civilians at the end of the Sri Lankan military’s war against Tamil rebels and Mr Cameron made a firm demand of Mr Rajapaksa: undertake a credible probe of your own into allegations of widespread rights abuse or face an inquiry by the United Nations. The summit communiqué did try to bring out other subjects, such as the economy, equality, democracy and human rights. Human rights abuse was, however, too powerful a theme after the British prime minister’s visit to Jaffna to allow other aspects to be in the spotlight.. This issue of a UN probe into the actions by a national government does not make for an easy debate. Where the UN intervenes, accusations of a selective approach are always likely to fly. But nor can too many governments be relied upon to investigate their own acts in a manner that appears to be transparent, fair and credible, which is where the UN option appears more credible. The Commonwealth is a robust enough group and with many of its prominent members having so strongly called for investigation of rights abuse in Jaffna, the consensus appears to be for an inquiry. Signs favour a probe and it is only a matter of how long Mr Rajapaksa can delay it.
Profits & healthcare: Expected hike in drug prices PAKISTANIS could not have feared a worse chapter in the inflationary cycle. Amid the rising cost of living, the drug manufacturers are drawing up a list of medicines whose prices they say should be increased by up to 18pc. A report in this paper yesterday found the drug-makers determined, with an office-bearer of the Pakistan Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association warning: “We will go on strike if the government harasses any drug manufacturer.” This tone can partly be blamed on the frustration among drug producers over the absence of government support for their endeavours in the local market as well as, in the case of Pakistan-based companies, their efforts to expand the business abroad. But it is more a story of a fall in profits, which, technically, is always good enough ground for price revision. Only it is more painful in some areas than in others. . After three meetings with the government in less than a month, the manufacturers claim they have got the official nod for the increase. There are also reports the government has committed to announcing the revised rates in 10 days’ time. The officials could well use this interim for bracing for the attack the rise will inevitably expose them to, for this will be yet one more proof of the government’s anti-people policies. The announcement of such an increase will be met with loud protests and will provide the basis for politicking by opposition parties who must remind the government of its duty to provide affordable healthcare to the people. Even at a popular level, due to the extent of the constant interaction of drug-makers and the people through their agents, the criticism of and plea for price control could draw heavily on perceptions about the large profits that drug manufacturers have been earning. Expert opinion backs the general view that this has been one of the more lucrative sectors in recent times. And expert opinion that mixes the right amount of common sense with economic aspects stresses a reasonable approach. In a country where only a small percentage of the people have health cover, the government is expected to at least try to achieve some balance between market realities and accessibility. One compromise that has been suggested all along requires an official licence for freer production of generic drugs to ensure affordability. The least the government can do is to balance the manufacturers’ list of demands with a list of drugs whose availability on cheap rates it must ensure.
Cashing in: Extortion under TTP guise WITH the clarity that comes with hindsight, it was inevitable. For several years, now, the TTP and groups associated with it have put to use the dread they inspire to exert pressure on citizens to do their bidding. It has long been known that the TTP raises funds through kidnappings for ransom. It comes as little surprise to learn, then, that criminal elements are now using the TTP’s terrifying reputation to cash in. Some businessmen and professionals in the Islamabad-Rawalpindi area have been receiving threatening letters, purporting to come from the TTP, with the intent of extortion. Some have come as threats: the target had been found guilty of not living by Islamic principles, and needed to pay a ‘fine’. Others have come as appeals for ‘jihad’, instructing the recipient that his cash is needed to support jihadi armies. For obvious reasons, the fear inspired by such missives is such that many victims do not report the matter to the police; but where they have, it has been established that the TTP was not involved. How big these extortion rackets are growing can be gauged from the fact that the TTP, which has never shied away from boasting about its involvement in the most heinous of crimes, felt constrained to announce through its website that its members were not extortionists and that it considers the “wealth of a Muslim as sacred as his life and announce our disassociation from such acts”.. How much sanctity of life the TTP believes in is well known. That aside, though, the matter of extortionists using the TTP ‘franchise’ is a grave matter given the scale of fear it inspires. Businessmen and traders in Karachi have had to become used to regular, sometimes violent, shake-downs over long years. If the iteration noticed around the capital city spreads, the fear-factor will go up exponentially. While police are doing what they can, potential victims too should be aware that they may be being duped and recognise the importance of reporting to the police.
An unfortunate decision: DPC’s strike call AT a time when the ulema are expected to counsel restraint and lower tensions, the Defence of Pakistan Council’s decision to endorse a call for a protest day on Friday is unfortunate. Addressing a news conference in Islamabad on Monday, DPC chief Maulana Samiul Haq saw a ‘foreign hand’ in the Rawalpindi riot, demanded a fair inquiry into the tragedy but then went on to support the call by Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat for Friday’s strike. It is not clear in what way a countrywide strike, especially after Friday’s congregational prayers, will advance the cause of sectarian peace or in any way help the inquiry committee discover the truth behind the Rawalpindi tragedy. Pakistanis are living through a nightmare, with the entire country — from the Taliban’s den in Fata to Karachi’s deadly underworld, not to speak of Balochistan — in virtual anarchy and the government’s writ shrinking by the day. The Ashura clash did not remain confined to Rawalpindi; it spread to other towns. This shows that the entire country is a tinderbox. That in such a situation a group of religious and political leaders should call for a countrywide strike amounts to adding fuel to the fire. . Unfortunately, the DPC has not lived up to what its name would ordinarily suggest: a commitment to ‘defending’ the country. Does a call for a countrywide strike in times like these advance its purported cause? The right to dissent is enshrined in the Constitution, and the DPC leaders have every right to enjoy this right. But in potentially explosive circumstances, mustn’t those availing themselves of this right exercise some restraint? The DPC should think twice about going ahead with its plan; the government, too, should try to make it see that this is not a sensible move.
Danger to the economy: Depleted reserves THE State Bank of Pakistan’s foreign exchange reserves are down to $3.85bn — barely enough to pay the bill for another four weeks of imports — on substantial debt payments and widening trade deficit. The new SBP reserves report pertains to the first week of this month and doesn’t reflect the debt payments of $320m made to the IMF after Nov 7. Neither does it hint at the possible impact of another payment of $400m to be made to the global lender next week. Hence, it’s safe to assume that the bank’s reserves could deplete to just above $3bn by the end of this month.. With the IMF not scheduled to release the second tranche of $550m from its $6.6bn Extended Fund Facility loan before late next month and IFIs like the World Bank and Asian Development Bank slow in disbursing the promised budgetary support funds, chances are that the bank’s forex stocks could touch another low over the next several weeks. That doesn’t augur well for the country’s sliding economy and currency. Many are already predicting a run on the (commercial) banks, which, in fact, has begun. The savers drew $53m from their foreign currency accounts, whose stocks had declined to $5.23bn by the end of the first week of November. It is only a matter of time when greedy speculators will jump into the fray to cause a stampede in the forex market unless the SBP and government take timely measures. Another fall in the value of the rupee, which has already lost around 8pc against the dollar since July 1, could unleash a new round of steep inflation and make the public’s life more difficult. The government had seen this coming. The external sector has been under pressure for over a year now, forcing the government to hurriedly negotiate a new IMF loan to avert the imminent balance of payments crisis. But it failed to convince the IMF to frontload the new loan and other lenders to speed up funds disbursement. Nor did it take action to discourage luxury imports — barring a month’s ban on unnecessary, expensive gold imports — to reduce the trade gap because it would hurt the wealthy. With the balance of payments crisis rebuilding, it is time the government took action to prevent legal and illegal outflow of foreign currency as well as convince the IMF and other IFIs to disburse the promised funds at the earliest to avert further economic damage.
Bad omen for region: Beirut bombing IF there were any doubts about the Syrian civil war spilling over beyond that country’s borders, these should have been dispelled by the double suicide bombing in Beirut on Tuesday. The Iranian embassy was the target of the devastating strike in which many people were killed and injured. While an Al Qaeda-linked jihadi outfit has claimed responsibility, terming it a “message” to Iran and Hezbollah for their support to Bashar al-Assad’s regime, Tehran has blamed Israel and its “mercenaries”. Lebanon has seen similar violence linked to the Syrian conflict earlier this year. Massive blasts ripped through Shia and Sunni neighbourhoods in August in Beirut and Tripoli, respectively, while communal clashes have also occurred. But this is the first time in the conflict an Iranian target has been attacked so brazenly. While Syria may be casting a long shadow over Lebanon, if the conflict escalates further into an open sectarian struggle, violence will not be limited to the Levant.. In significant parts of the Middle East today, especially Iraq and Syria, the confluence of sectarian strife and geopolitical manoeuvring has created an explosive situation. Iraq is coming apart along confessional and ethnic lines, its descent into anarchy aided, in no small measure, by the 2003 US-led invasion and the attempt to transplant democracy. Instead of a flourishing democracy, post-Saddam Iraq has transformed into a failed state. Meanwhile, Syria has become a playground of actors both regional and global, with Iran and Hezbollah supporting Damascus while the Gulf Arabs, Turkey and many in the West egg on the rebels. Assad’s forces seem to have the upper hand at this point and the Beirut bombing may be an attempt by extremist rebel factions to spark a wider sectarian war by openly targeting Iranian interests. There may still be time to pull Syria from the brink; this would require the regional and global players to cut arms supplies to their respective clients and pressure them to come to the negotiating table. This is essential if further regional sectarian strife is to be avoided.
Pause for thought: Hate speech on social media SAD though it is to have to repeat it, the media is but a tool; it can be used for good or bad depending on the inclination of those that hold it. In terms of the sectarian violence in Rawalpindi on Friday, some good may have come of the fact that there was no live broadcast of the unfolding events, which has in the past spread panic, fanned the flames and even led to further unrest. But mischief-makers will always find a way, and Friday saw people turning to social networking sites, particularly Twitter and Facebook, to spread sectarian hatred. The mobile phone network may have been suspended in several areas but that does not affect internet-friendly phones on Wi-Fi, so photographs — some genuine, others fabricated — of the violence were in circulation. All this aggravated an already volatile situation. That, and the events over the next couple of days, led the government to issue a directive regarding the banning of hate material over social networking sites.. To some, this might sound all very well. Most agree that hate speech is abhorrent. The trouble is, precisely how would such a ban work technically, and how would it be decided whether an expressed opinion or comment falls firmly on one or the other side of the dividing line between that which is permissible and that which is not? A more useful exercise would be for the state to ponder over the dangerous polarities that are intensifying in the country, and which are what prompt people to perpetrate or condone violence against members of other sects and faiths. There are many warped minds in this society — and this is the problem that needs to be addressed if inter- and intra-religious strife is to be controlled.
Real issue ignored: Drone strike in Hangu SEEN from any perspective, it is an alarming development: the first drone strike in the settled areas of KP in five years. As ever, however, the reasons for the alarm in Pakistan are misplaced. Start with the embarrassment that the government will be suffering a day after the prime minister’s senior-most adviser on foreign policy told a Senate committee that the US had indicated a willingness to suspend drone strikes for the duration of talks with the TTP. Sartaj Aziz’s words were carefully chosen: he spoke only of the TTP not being targeted while talks were under way — which they are not. So the killing of an alleged militant linked to the Haqqani network does not, strictly speaking, fall within the ambit of the reported US assurance to Pakistan. Still, such an attack while the government keeps insisting to already hostile Pakistanis that drone strikes will end soon, will force the rulers to adopt a condemnatory mode. Even if that condemnation is mild, it will, yet again, steer the national conversation away from militancy and towards the undesirability of drones.. Meanwhile, the real questions will go unaddressed. For one, after the killing of a senior Haqqani leader in Islamabad last week, the Hangu drone strike is the second attack targeting the Haqqani network on Pakistani soil. If a long-running shadowy war is growing even murkier in the run-up to the Afghan handover in 2014, who is on which side and what does any of it mean for Pakistan’s national security? In addition to the perceived need to protect certain assets in North Waziristan, the state’s reluctance to launch an operation in the agency has often been attributed to a worry about blowback inside Pakistan proper. Does the targeting of Haqqanis inside Pakistan increase the possibility of friction with a group with the proven ability to launch devastating strikes in the region? Is there anyone in the Pakistani state apparatus, uniformed or civilian, who can handle these new developments with skill? More broadly, though no less importantly, what is the government’s strategy on talks with the TTP and its policy on militancy? Simply lamenting the alleged damage drones do to the possibility of talks is no strategy. The militancy threat is real and immediate. There are far too many areas of the country that have become sanctuaries and hideouts for militants. No people or state can be strong or secure with such internal threats. Is anyone in the state apparatus willing to show any leadership?
Need to act: High food insecurity OF the myriad issues afflicting this country, food insecurity and malnutrition need urgent state attention. If left unattended, they can create major social instability down the line. As highlighted at a seminar in Islamabad on Wednesday, nearly 60pc of Pakistanis face food insecurity, according to the National Nutrition Survey 2011 that saw its official launch recently. Food security, as described by the UN, is linked to people’s access to adequate food as well as the sustainability of food systems. Figures show that 50pc of women and children in food-insecure households are malnourished. It is also sad that there has been little change in the figures of children suffering from stunting and wasting between 2001 and 2011; if anything, the numbers have gone up in a decade. A growing population, high food prices, as well as natural disasters and militancy have all contributed to increasing food insecurity in Pakistan. And while it doesn’t help to be alarmist, there can be no doubt that unless the state plans ahead, and more importantly implements measures to tackle the problem now, the situation in the future will be grimmer.. As far as measures to address food insecurity go, it is important that the government has reliable data to plan ahead. As noted in the seminar, without a current census the state, at best, can make guesstimates about the number of hungry households. Once the figures are in, the state needs to ensure that the entire population has adequate access to food round the year, as suggested by the UN. The most vulnerable segments of society should have access to subsidies and food assistance, while food prices must not be so high that households are unable to afford basic nutrition. Where making food systems sustainable is concerned, this can be done by improving agricultural productivity and through better land-use practices. While the state may be preoccupied with issues such as militancy and the hurly-burly of politics, we can only ignore food security at our own peril.
A splendid image: Vintage car rally IT was on a light-hearted note that the fourth annual Karachi to Khyber vintage car rally set off from Karachi on Wednesday, with the owner/driver of the shiny red MG-A convertible that is to lead joking that anyone who tried to overtake him would pay for the group’s dinner that night. The cross-country rally, organised by the Vintage and Classic Car Club of Pakistan, has become a welcome feature. This year, 15 classic cars have headed out from Karachi, to be joined by another 20 from Lahore and Islamabad. Going through Gambat and Bahawalpur, classic car shows are planned for Lahore and Islamabad, with the festivities coming to an end in Peshawar on Nov 30. Amongst the participating cars are a 1948 MG and a Mustang, a Morris MG and 1957 Humber Hawk, all of them lovingly restored and eased back on the roads.. There is something eternally endearing about the thought of these vehicles tooling down the roads of interior Sindh, the rural areas of Punjab and the winding roads of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa — roads that such cars must have graced in a distant age when the violence and fear that characterise Pakistan today were unimaginable. This country has moved on, and not to a better place; with good reason do many people remember the ’60s and ’70s — the period to which many of the participating vehicles belong — with nostalgia. Yet the fact that the VCCCP continues to hold the rally, and that there are many willing participants, holds out some hope. Times are tough, and may continue thus for some time to come. But the image of classic vehicles barrelling along roads from one end of the country to the other is splendid, and indicates perhaps that all is not yet lost.
Intertwined interests: Afghan reconciliation WHILE the focus of the world and the region remains on the impending US-Afghan bilateral security pact that will allow foreign troops to remain in Afghanistan until at least 2024 and on the Afghan presidential election next year, work on the most critical piece in the framework for a stable Afghanistan — the reconciliation process with the Afghan Taliban — continues quietly in the background. After meeting representatives of the Afghan High Peace Council in Islamabad on Thursday, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif is set to travel to Kabul at the end of the month presumably to see if the dormant reconciliation process can be nudged forward, or at least ensure the groundwork is in place for a speedy process after next year’s Afghan presidential election. However, like much else he has attempted since returning to office in June, Mr Sharif and his team seem busy enough in consultations and meetings without necessarily proposing a way forward in Afghanistan.. Complicating the task for both the Afghan and Pakistani sides is the increasing interconnectedness of the two countries in matters of security and stability. With the appointment of Mullah Fazlullah as the new TTP chief, it is for the first time that both the Pakistani and the Afghan state allege that their respective principal militant foe enjoys sanctuary in the other’s country. With the Afghan Taliban long enjoying fairly unhindered movement across the Durand Line, now the TTP leadership is in the Afghan backyard, from where it targets Pakistan. Whether that improves the odds of both country’s leadership understanding that cross-border violence is in neither country’s interest or exacerbates the already tense security ties between the two countries is a question that the months ahead will reveal. Suffice it to say, in the game of proxies, every side stands to lose. Given that neither side is about to abruptly change course so late into the scramble that will shape the next phase of Afghan history, perhaps the best that can be hoped for is that at least the cross-border movement and sanctuaries near the Durand Line on both sides are progressively discouraged. From a Pakistani perspective, the state has both much to offer and gain. Nudging the Afghan Taliban towards an internal, Afghan-led settlement in Afghanistan ought to buy some space when it comes to dealing with Pakistan’s internal security problems with the TTP. Surely, both the Afghan and Pakistani states must be aware of the ultimate nightmare: the TTP and the Afghan Taliban uniting to wage war in both countries.
Requiem for KCR: Jica diverts funds QUITE understandably, Japanese donors have walked out on the Karachi Circular Railway. Not only that: the federal railway minister informed a news conference on Thursday that the Japan International Cooperation Agency has diverted the money to Bangladesh. Nothing surprising, considering Jica’s frustration if not outright anger. The KCR has been dead for nearly two decades, its tracks under tons of rocks. The Japanese offer of money and technology to revive it and make it a going concern had been there for nearly two decades, but somehow the federal and Sindh governments were never available to get things ready for the agency to proceed. Encroachments on railway land are a problem that is complex but not insolvable. This usurpation of government land by squatters and small-time realtors could have been sorted out if the Sindh government had made up its mind to remove all obstacles to the KCR’s revival. Evidently, the political will to give the nation’s biggest city a modern mass transit system has been lacking.. The Japanese plan had crossed many hurdles, not least the sloth that characterises our ponderous bureaucracy, and we were given 2017 as the date by which the new KCR’s first phase would be operational. Thursday’s news conference by Khwaja Saad Rafiq and Qaim Ali Shah essentially constituted the KCR’s requiem. Admitting that the Japanese had been “discouraged” from pursuing the project the two spoke of a new plan in which the federal government would help. The people will have their doubts over Islamabad’s will and resources to help the Sindh government on this project. Lahore has a metro bus system because the Punjab government showed single-mindedness and purpose. In Karachi’s case, Sindh’s two leading parties, which have monopolised political power for many decades, have demonstrated a sense of utter irresponsibility on this issue. Lahore has plans for a metro rail as well, but ‘modern’ Islamabad doesn’t even have plans for a rapid and comfortable transport system — such being the priority of our car-loving elite and obliging bureaucracy.
SBP checks: Loan write-offs THE State Bank of Pakistan has ‘revisited’ the requirements for writing off irrecoverable loans and advances for consumer financing. It has issued fresh instructions to banks and development finance institutions. The new instructions, which reinforce oversight of directors of banks in such cases, aim at checking the misuse of the facility and curtailing the discretion of bankers while writing off the principal or interest, profit or other charges. The SBP wants the banks to put in place well-defined, transparent write-off policies and make every ‘reasonable’ effort at recovery. What this means is that the bankers, in order to establish that the amount is actually unrecoverable, will now be required to investigate that the person seeking the write-off hasn’t built any other assets with the bank’s money. This should prevent frauds to some extent.. Where banks have secured collateral against (bad) loans, they’ll have to follow a formula for recovering the amount. The assets will be sold off at current prices to adjust the amount so realised against the loan proposed to be written off. In exceptional cases, as those involving widows and orphans, the condition may be relaxed. The SBP wants the banks to obtain prior approval from it in cases where the write-offs are sought in the names of directors, chief executives and sponsor shareholders of banks/DFIs or in the name of their relatives or dependents. Internal auditors have been given powers to review the cases where the written-off principal amount is over Rs200,000. The SBP directive should help minimise ‘favouritism’ and ‘corruption’ by the bankers in loan write-off cases. Equally important is the protection from harassment of borrowers who are really in financial trouble and cannot pay their loans. It is time the SBP issued some directives in this regard as well.
Columns and Articles
Method to madness By Abbas Nasir AFTER considerable debate it isn’t any clearer why Syed Munawar Hasan made his controversial and inflammatory ‘martyr’ remarks. . A simple explanation might be that he was cornered by a sharp TV presenter, took a ludicrously hardline position and then found himself unable to back down. But was the issue that simple? For years, no matter how tough and irrational its stance, to its credit the Jamaat-i-Islami has been seen as a party which has pursued its goal of what it calls an Islamic revolution through democratic means. It has taken its appeal to the electorate, won varying amounts of support but never in any game-changing manner, and lived with the consequences. There was a time when the cadres of its student wing the Islami Jamiat-i-Talaba bestowed it with enormous street power. It seemed the IJT’s commitment to seeking change solely through peaceful means was not as strong as the mother party’s. Given that the two are joined at the hip, it is impossible that the IJT’s resort to violence on campuses wasn’t sanctioned by the JI. When we were at Karachi University in the late 1970s/early 1980s it was an open secret who counselled the university chapter of the IJT and presided over strategy sessions. Friends in the IJT would confirm the role of Karachi JI’s top leader Syed Munawar Hasan. This was coincidentally when the automatic weapon was introduced and used by members of the IJT’s feared Thunder Squad and was one of the most violent periods. From moral policing to delivering beatings to even killing opponents on campus was a task assigned to its members. That none of these Thunder Squad members were ever charged let alone arrested no matter how grave the alleged crime including murder was indicative of the unholy alliance between the military ruler of the time and his ideological allies. Whenever those of us who opposed Pakistan’s involvement in the Afghan war and the country’s chosen role as one subservient to US interests in the region protested or demonstrated, IJT members were not far from us to contain the protests. Intimidation was the order of the day and delivered considerable dividends to the IJT too. Their relentless pressure meant they were the only ones with a constant and consistent presence on campus. The student activists of the left-leaning parties retaliated when they could. But they lacked the staying power. They faced the Thunder Squad on campus and police and Zia’s intelligence people on the outside. If they were not being thrashed on campus a similar fate awaited them in police stations and interrogation centres. Of course, one speaks from the experience of Karachi University. Many leading lights in the JI Punjab today, some who subsequently moved on to other conservative parties, as students, directed violence at educational institutions in Punjab. The emergence of the All Pakistan Mohajir Students Organisation, the MQM’s forerunner in Karachi, and the Muslim Students Federation allied to the governing Pakistan Muslim League (whatever the suffix) in Punjab broke IJT monopoly over violence in no uncertain terms. Coupled with the loss of this important factor over the years, the rise of the more hardline Munawar Hasan as emir after Qazi Hussain Ahmed and the party’s inability to cash in on anti-Americanism in the last election must clearly have forced a rethink within. And the ultimate shock to the system, the turning point, would have been army chief Gen Ashfaq Kayani’s public declaration a little over a year ago that his institution was upgrading the internal threat to supplant the external one as the gravest being faced by the country. Given the ramifications of the statement, it doesn’t take much to figure out how the JI would have felt: like a jilted lover after long years of unflinching love and loyalty. A love so unconditional that the party didn’t shy away from giving itself a bad name and supporting military takeovers, agreeing to be the GHQ’s B Team. To me, Munawar Hasan’s statement isn’t insane, outrageous as it may be. There is method to his madness. The last election was a turning point. The election was fought on power cuts as it was on anti-Americanism. In 2002, the US military action in Afghanistan was enough (I have no proof to say ISI’s Maj-Gen Ihtasham Zamir rigged the then NWFP poll too) to deliver a resounding verdict in favour of the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal and put the JI and its allies the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (Fazl) in power in the province at least. But the last election saw the JI making very few gains as its anti-US thunder seemed to have been stolen by the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf, another right-wing though not avowedly religious party. Despondency was natural. So how does the JI continue to further its ‘Islamic’ agenda? Simply by invoking an issue which can potentially fill the ranks of our valiant soldiers with confusion, dissension and chaos. In any possible negotiations with the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a united, powerful military would be a potent factor as concessions wouldn’t be endless with the spectre of use of force. By the same token, if the force confronting the militants is weakened even marginally, the TTP could push for more and more Islamisation across the country as part of any deal. Such a move would be in the interest of those ideologically in harmony with the goal. The JI emir’s statement has led some commentators to advocate a ban on the party. Any such measure is doomed from the word go. Can you count the number of groups which, though ‘defunct’, appear more potent than the state today? If those opposed to the toxic, intolerant ideology of the TTP are unable to articulate a sane counter-narrative the battle is lost before it can start in earnest. Look around and say if this isn’t the case already. The writer is a former editor of Dawn. abbas.nasir@hotmail.com
‘Magic’ and reality By Muhammad Amir Rana BEFORE his death in a US drone strike, the Pakistani Taliban chief Hakeemullah Mehsud had started to feel better thanks to the ‘spiritual’ healing at the hands of an Arab shaikh. The CIA and ISI had cast an ‘evil spell’ on him — most probably through ‘black magic’.. According to the official obituary of Mehsud, released by the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan’s (TTP) media wing, US and Pakistani officials decided to kill him after they received reports that Mehsud was recovering from the effects of a spell cast on him after the 2009 suicide bombing of a CIA base in Khost, Afghanistan. Many will laugh at this, but the TTP’s obituary of Mehsud narrates in a very serious tone that he felt pain in parts of his body without any outward symptoms of physical illness because of the spell. (Some would, of course, argue that this could be the ultimate effect of restlessness or disordered eating habits amid the constant threat of drone strikes.) Media reports further strengthened this notion, and claimed that Mehsud would not stay in one place for more than six hours because of the fear of drones. In the backdrop of the ongoing anti-drone debate in the country, it is very difficult to argue in favour of drones. But nobody can gloss over the fact that the aerial technology proved to be a tactical sort of ‘magic’ that has not only terrorised the militants but also eliminated their top leadership. Those killed in drone attacks include Qari Hussain, Ilyas Kashmiri, Qari Zafar, Badar Mansoor and Baitullah Mehsud among several others believed to be responsible for carrying out some major terrorist attacks inside Pakistan. No threat assessment is available to understand what the internal security landscape would have been like had these militants been alive. Apart from drones and the TTP’s notion of black magic, the obituary also quoted from an interview of Hakeemullah Mehsud in which he presented justifications for why he did not participate in the Kashmir jihad despite constant pressure from some jihadi leaders. He said that he always remained suspicious of the nature of the Kashmir jihad, which was being fought with the help of the Pakistani state that would eventually expand its un-Islamic system in Kashmir and the wider region if it successfully liberated Kashmir. This led him to focus on Afghanistan because he had more hope of the mujahideen’s establishing an Islamic caliphate system there. This reflects the transformation of the militant mindset after 9/11 under the influence of Al Qaeda and the changing political scenario of the region. This transformation has absorbed all the pro-state jihadi and nationalist tendencies of the militant discourse in Pakistan. It is paradoxical that the Jamaat-i-Islami, once considered the champion of jihad in Kashmir, is experiencing a growing sense of isolation in this completely changed situation. The recent statement by the JI head Munawar Hasan, which triggered the martyrdom controversy, is a reflection of the JI’s frustration. As a pioneer jihadist party since the beginning of the Afghan-Soviet war, the Jamaat has been facing a critical challenge from its new generation to reinterpret the concept of jihad, ie how to adjust its ideological narrative of jihad in Kashmir and 1980s’ Afghanistan to the emerging fundamentals of the Pakistani state’s foreign and strategic policy. This is a complex debate and unfortunately at this important juncture, the JI does not have the required intellectual and theological resources to respond to the challenge. What makes this interesting is that previously the JI was the most globally connected Islamist party of Pakistan. It had links with both moderate and radical Islamist movements and its networking had helped it muster human and financial resources from across the Islamic world for the Afghan jihad. In the changing scenario, it is the TTP which is widely connected to global jihadi movements. The JI has even lost connectivity with movements in the Arab-speaking world associated with the Muslim Brotherhood, which are in the midst of a power struggle. The TTP has not only established global contacts but also enjoys the support of traditional and orthodox segments of the Islamic clergy. In particular, Deobandi madressahs are still its strong support base. The obituary released by the TTP also reveals that Mehsud was a student of Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s madressah in Dera Ismail Khan. He had left the madressah before joining the militant movement. In this context, the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s reaction to Hakeemullah’s killing should not come as a surprise. It is a known fact that the divide between the madressah establishment and teachers is increasing where teachers are more inclined towards sectarian and militant movements and administrators or principals belong to religious political parties. This equation provides benefits to both. For instance, one expands its political support base, and the militants enjoy the moral and logistical support from the same base, though for different purposes. Mehsud’s obituary also addresses the issue of martyrdom and drones. While quoting an Al Qaeda leader that the greatest martyr of this age is the one killed in a drone strike, it claims that all important mujahideen leaders had been killed in drone attacks. It reflects that the TTP is clear in its approach and has found justification for all its deeds. Unfortunately, the other side is still confused. Clearly, the terrorists are the beneficiaries of the prevailing confusion. They also gain strength from the fragmentation and confusion in society that is displayed by the security, political and civil society leaderships in Pakistan. It seems that the state and its leadership have been hypnotised by the TTP. This situation is similar to the image of the proverbial cat set amongst the pigeons. The leadership is behaving like a pigeon with closed eyes and praying for mercy but the cat is not kind-hearted. This is neither a dream nor magic. The writer is a security analyst.
Much ado about much By Cyril Almeida WHEN the curtain is pulled back some, when the cannibalisation begins, when rabid dog turns on rabid dog, those are the fascinating, scary moments.. Someone said something stupid about martyrdom, a bunch of folk responded, there was much hand-wringing and disquiet, but before anyone could figure out what the average Pakistani really makes of it, a bunch of other folk yelled at each other and killed a few, and everyone forgot the last crisis to lament the present crisis in the full knowledge that the next crisis — circus? — is not long off. In the middle of all of that, a Haqqani was killed in Islamabad and mysteriously, so very mysteriously, no one wanted to talk about it. Oh, Pakistan. Let’s start with the most immediate of the very recent. It happened in Pindi, but it could have happened anywhere. Everyone knows that and the hate that fuels it. What’s interesting though is how people react to hate and violence. Or simply the suspicion that a particular version of religion is sponsored and promoted by the state. If it seems that the processions and rituals at this time of the year have become more elaborate and bigger over the years, it’s because they have. For beliefs that are ancient and a population that is fairly static along sectarian lines, that doesn’t automatically add up. Factor in the last 30 odd years though and you have the reasons. Once a fire was lit at the intersection of religion and the state, the other sides had several options: pack up and leave; sit down and do as told; or ramp up their own religiosity. What’s interesting is that option three was picked by the 20pc. We’re here, we’re loud and this will never be a one-sect state. Over our dead bodies. Not exactly something the rabids on the other side needed to hear twice. So now, one side has its suicide bombers and the other its ever more urgent veneration of martyrdom. Which is why everyone else is pretty much terrified this time each year. One side instigated into bigger, bolder, more elaborate, more insistent commemorations as a sign of defiance driving the rabids on the other side a little loopier and a little crazier — oh, Pakistan. Until next year, on that front at least — after the flames in Pindi are doused. On to a very different martyrdom debate, from the sublime to the ridiculous, as it were. Yes, the ironies and contradictions and sheer idiocy of the Munawar-Fazlu-ISPR debacle are alternately tickling and horrifying. But we’re interested in people today: the mythical average Pakistani and what he made of it. For our purposes, it was the pause that was most interesting. Mythical average Pakistani hears Munawar, laughs at Fazlu and reads ISPR. Then he tries to work out what he makes of it all. Good ol’ Fazlur Rehman was the smartest of the three. Sensing the danger, he dashed off into the safety of the absurd, puncturing a devilishly dangerous debate with laughter and offering everyone else a quick exit. But the other two weren’t smart enough to take Fazlu’s cue and waded in deeper, forcing our mythical average Pakistani to actually think about what they were saying. Mythical average Pakistani loves his army because the army has assiduously courted his support over the decades. The hows and whys are too well known to bear repeating, all we need to know for our purposes is that it’s no accident mythical average Pakistani loves his army and says a prayer for army shaheeds. But mythical average Pakistani is also kinda into jihad because the army has made him like jihad. Again, the hows and whys are too well known to bear repetition; all we need to know for our purposes is that it’s no accident mythical average Pakistani is into the idea of jihad. So what happens when jihad meets jihad and mythical average Pakistani, who loves his army and is kinda into jihad, has to decide which side he’s on? He pauses. It’s not a long pause because the old, manipulated love for his army still prevails. It may even be the most fleeting of pauses because the JI are bit players on the national stage. But there is a pause because the original purveyors of jihad aren’t the only arbiters of jihad anymore. There are other sellers too and the army’s pre-eminence in the narrative-setting game is gone. Mythical average Pakistani’s allegiances and political beliefs are up for grabs. And boy is he being wooed by the rabids. If the army is aware of this, then why pick this fight in this way with Munawar? Why force mythical average Pakistani to think about what Munawar was saying and thereby possibly risk his agreeing with the JI? The face-value explanation would be: he insulted our dead, our soldiers and that was intolerable. The less charitable explanation: naivety. It never occurred to the army that public opinion may have shifted, that mythical average Pakistani may pause before taking sides in the war of words. Essentially, a cat chasing its tail while tripping all over a ball of wool. But not nearly as cute. Oh, Pakistan. And that Haqqani chap? Nothing. Nobody wants to talk about him. No one at all. Where’s the condemnation by the Americans or the Afghans? Or if they did it, where’s the outrage from Pakistan? Or if Pakistan did it, where’s the anger from the Taliban? It’s as if the CIA, NDS, ISI and Taliban, Afghan and Pakistani, all got together to bump Naseeruddin off and then agreed not to talk about it. What does Haqqani’s death even mean? Sometimes the non-news is the real news. And scarier too. Oh, Pakistan. The writer is a member of staff. cyril.a@gmail.com Twitter: @cyalm
A matter of optics By Hajrah Mumtaz A FRIEND is the editor of a going-to-places web-based literary magazine associated with an online workshop for South Asian writers. It’s run on a voluntary basis.. The team recently received an invitation to participate in an international literary festival, an affirmation of its hard work and dedication. But like most such invites, there were no cash grants or air tickets in attendance. The magazine team’s challenge: where to raise the funds to allow them to travel and participate in an event that would without doubt help internationally highlight their work? A roomful of people were discussing this. There were people who (in Pakistan) produce artwork and theatre, work in the film industry and who have been published or are hoping to soon find publishers. They couldn’t come up with any concrete source that the magazine editor could apply to. No government grant for upcoming artists, no aid organisation that focuses on literature and the arts, no private-benefactor fund dedicated to holding out a helping hand — on the basis of merit — to people who contribute to this country’s culture. I can’t think of any either. I can think of scholarships to arts education institutions, help and funding provided by some arts institutions to their students or employees, and so on. But to whom does an individual or group working independently, outside the protective embrace of association with an institution, turn to for funds, in Pakistan? He might have an idea of remarkable merit — a sculpture, an art installation, a film, a theatre production or a short-story compilation — but if it requires external support in terms of funds or perhaps infrastructure (and everything requires these), I can’t think of a single formalised source, in Pakistan, where he can submit a proposal. If such a channel does exist, particularly with reference to the government, then it has been kept so successfully hidden that nobody who could benefit knows about it. (This is not to say that people have not found financial assistance for such projects; they have, but the support comes from sources tapped in one’s private capacity, people you know, or people your people know, who can be brought to believe in your project and are willing to sink a bit of money into it. Some very interesting initiatives have found backing in this manner, but through hit-and-miss means.) In other parts of the world, this is not the case. In many places, you can apply for government grants for projects of this nature along scales varying in magnitude. Amongst the developed countries, in fact, it is ensured that some such avenue, often several, for supporting cultural/arts projects is formally available, advertised and accessible, precisely because the importance of work in this sphere is recognised. And then, there are funding and facilitating organisations that have been formally set up by private individuals: well-off people leave behind their legacy, at whatever level, in support of struggling but deserving artists, narrative-challenging productions, and so on, just as others dedicate their fortunes to research in a particular field of academia or for animal welfare. They have fully laid-out merit criteria, an application procedure, and hold out reasonable hope for receiving support if the idea/initiative is deserving. In Pakistan, people give away fortunes, too, whether in a lump sum or over the course of their lifetimes. These overwhelmingly go to richly deserving charities, or medical facilities and research institutes, and this is a very good thing. But can someone — foremost the state — pay some attention to arts and culture, too? The country really does need it. Some might be tempted to ask why Pakistan should be worrying about promoting its citizenry’s achievements in the cultural sphere when even the most basic right to life and undamaged limb goes so often violated. But that is not to see the big picture. Perceptions matter. Optics are everything. And it is only through art and culture that these can be altered and improved, that entrenched narratives can be challenged and minds be changed. Think of it this way. Pakistan is a dangerous country, one of the most frightening in the world. And yet, many citizens live their lives in a reasonably secure environment, going to work, sending children to school, meeting friends and family Of course, a lot of people have had to face unfortunate, even tragic, incidents. But normal life — for a given approximation of normality within parameters set by factors such as economic and other realities — does carry on. But look at Pakistan from the outside and you’d think that this is a place where it is impossible to carry on with activities that are the hallmarks of what is understood as a ‘normal’ life. This is because the narrative about the country is uniformly bleak and indicative of chaos. And this is true not just about how the world understands Pakistan; it is also true about how Pakistanis understand their own environment. Since the narrative is led by extremism and violence, so is perception. Readily available examples include Swat and interior Sindh. Most people would fear to go there. But those on the inside know that these are accessible places and more or less as safe as anywhere else in the country. Cultural activities are what build new narratives, send out signals of hope and progress. The more art and performance a country produces, the more likely it is to be seen as progressive and put itself on the road to progressiveness. We need to set up funding bodies for, amongst other things, the arts and cultural activities. Worthy projects, which could shift the narrative, should be supported. The writer is a member of staff. hajrahmumtaz@gmail.com
Mullah and military By Babar Sattar GETTING mad at Munawar Hasan for attempting to subvert the resolve of our soldiers to fight the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan by challenging the moral legitimacy of their mission is one thing. Learning lessons from the Jamaat-i-Islami’s hostile response to Hakeemullah’s death and taking corrective action is quite another.. If the text of the ISPR statement criticising Hasan and the JI’s reaction to it is anything to go by, what we are witnessing is not a break-up but an estrangement between lovers with a shared desire to woo the other back. As a matter of principle, the ISPR had no business seeking an apology from a political party, even one as vile as the JI. Issuing a release putting on record the angst felt by families of martyrs and soldiers putting their lives at stake to defend us from the barbarians in our midst, and a restatement of continuing resolve to defend the country from national security threats within the framework of the Constitution would have been enough. The JI deserved to be condemned and asked to apologise. But that demand should have come from political parties and civil society. Condemnation of the JI has been significant. Our people have the good sense not to undermine the valiant sacrifices of our soldiers merely because our generals have continued to bungle. It was not our soldiers or a majority of our officers who decided that Pakistan would join the ‘good’ Afghan jihad alongside the Americans in the 1980s. It was not these soldiers and officers who decided that Pakistan would run with the hare and hunt with the hounds faced with the ‘bad’ jihad post 9/11. It was not these soldiers and officers who decided that the army would employ non-state actors deliberately indoctrinated with violent religious ideology to pursue ill-conceived national security objectives. It was not these soldiers and officers who forged the military-mullah alliance and decided to get into bed with the JI and other religious parties to manufacture bigoted and irresponsible notions of national interest and use morality derived from religious diktat as an alternative to legitimacy flowing from the law and the Constitution. But highlighting the sacrifices of soldiers to distract attention from the toxic choices made by politically ambitious self-serving generals who sowed and cultivated the seeds of confusion that we now find in full blossom is not a sustainable strategy. The correction that we yearn for today cannot come about without unambiguous admission by the khaki leadership of the wrong choices made in the past and the resolve to undo them. The mullah-military alliance is cemented by each partner’s belief in its ability to control the other. The content of ISPR’s release and the JI’s reaction suggests that such belief has survived Munawar Hasan’s vitriol. In celebrating Maudoodi’s ‘sacrifices’, the khakis seem to be signalling to JI leaders and followers that the current emir might have deviated from the path of the founder. And in reiterating historical support for the army (with references to 1971), the JI is suggesting that it is eager to stand with the army, but the latter must return to fighting only righteous wars. Has our khaki leadership been woken up by the JI or is it in snooze mode? The JI and its jihadi cousins have not changed. The world has and so have our national security needs. When the military first employed the mullah through state patronage it didn’t realise that as the national army continued its transition towards an ideological army, control and initiative would steadily shift from the military to the mullah. Today, the military labelling the JI as a traitor is of no consequence to the JI. But the JI denouncing the army for becoming a mercenary force in service of infidels carries the potential of causing sedition within army ranks. When faced with the prospect of death every believer derives strength from God, whether in a tumbling aeroplane or in a war zone. In a country comprising 97pc Muslims, the army’s battle cry would always be ‘Allah-o-Akbar’. But what does our army primarily fight for — the cause of Islam or the cause of Pakistan? When the two mean the same things, there is no confusion. But when self-appointed guardians of faith define the cause of Islam in a way that conflicts with what rational citizens would see as the cause of Pakistan (or even Islam), as presently in the face of the existential threat posed by the TTP, where does the army stand? The idea that khakis can out-manoeuvre the JI and more violent takfiris such as Al Qaeda and the TTP in a battle over control of the ideological narrative is not only fanciful but a manifestation of the arrogance that itself qualifies as a national security threat. Let’s make this not about blame but correction. The army’s self-perception must be that of a national army and not an ideological one that is vulnerable to internal discord caused by proclamations issued by our bigoted brigade. The alliance between our national security apparatus and jihadis or non-state actors, however described, must end, and verifiably so. If we wish to put out of business those within Pakistan who have assumed the right to distinguish good Muslims from bad, the military must first get out of the business of distinguishing good jihadis from bad. Fighting and talking are not either-or solutions. We must talk to those who can accept Pakistan as a Muslim state as opposed to a jihadi state. We will have to fight those committed to killing or getting killed in order to annex Pakistan as the next goal in their global jihad. We need a jirga to calm our wild west. But it must not be with the TTP but the representatives of all tribes in Fata to agree on steps to empower our tribal citizens and redefine their responsibilities towards Pakistan and the world within the framework of our Constitution and the nation-state system. We can do without JI, but Pakistan needs a strong national army. A clean break-up is often better than a bitter consumptive relationship between partners with divergent worldviews. The writer is a lawyer. sattar@post.harvard.edu Twitter: @babar_sattar
Crossing the red line By Asma Jahangir MALIK Saeed Hasan is a legendary figure in the Lahore High Court Bar Association who has many quotable quotes to his credit.. But the one often repeated is his proud announcement that he has only one principle and that is not to follow any principles at all. Yet, he remained an upright high court judge and when martial law was declared in 1977, walked over from the bench to the bar. He was elected president of the Lahore High Court Bar and performed remarkably. During his tenure, the first International Women’s Conference was held at the Bar. The sight of so many women from across the globe enthused both, the bench and the bar. A memorable speech of Malik was his presidential address to the general house of the bar after the introduction of the Sharia bill during Zia’s dark days. His solution was a simple one. Tongue in cheek he suggested that the country should be divided into ‘Sharia’ and ‘non-Sharia’ zones. He passionately urged that Lahore remain in the ‘non-Sharia’ zone as it was his hometown and he wished to see prosperity, growth of culture and mirth in the city. Woefully, Malik’s ‘wayward’ vision now appears ominous; religious militancy and extreme intolerance has made deep inroads across the country. Malik remains principled without making tall claims. He is not infallible but will not cross the red lines of decency and sanity. Pakistani values are complicated. No one can claim absolute virtue. Sagacious and ameen cannot survive the rough and tumble of a society based on double standards. A court that fell to the temptation of violating an oath to constitutional rule now sits on judgement on other people’s integrity. This is why conventional wisdom dismissed Imran Khan’s famous promise of never lying to the nation. Soon thereafter, the Supreme Court put his valour for the truth to test. Khan understandably chose the path of pragmatism. To that extent, Malik’s theory of flexibility to principles is acceptable. Malik’s message was to have realistic expectations from mere mortals, but certainly indict them when they crossed the red lines. Applying one standard to oneself and yet another to everyone else is crossing the red line. Deliberately misleading people leading to dire consequences is another such example. Take the all-party conference on terrorism. Was there a genuine debate to find a way to peace? How long did it take our top leadership to reach an obvious conclusion? Were other measures also discussed? Was it a participatory brainstorming or was it an exercise to galvanise public support for a single course of action? Television debates by politicians have been disappointing. The opposition seems to have raised their hands and then handed over the trouble to the ruling party alone. A couple also admitted that they never read the final resolution. Fata members were given hardly any time to raise their concerns. No details of the peace process through talks were mentioned nor asked. Was this laying out the truth before a suffering population? Peace through talks is only one of the strategies to deal with an insurgency. Blockades, infiltration, use of force when attacked, extending the writ of the government, and firmness in ending impunity to terrorists are also valuable tools for sustained peace. Talks to the exclusion of all other measures only sends one message — terrorism will be tolerated and the government has no policy against it or a strategy to protect its own citizens. The response to the much-touted talks has been seen in blood. Over the years, thousands of Pakistanis, security forces included, have paid with their lives. The opposition blames the government for stalling the talks. Dealing with terrorism that has plagued this country for over two decades should be a worry for all stakeholders. The government takes the lead but every leader must take his or her share of responsibility. At the moment the government does not appear to be in the driving seat and most in the opposition have either washed their hands of the matter or are brazen apologists for religious militants. Strategies for ending terrorism should be based on the objective of protecting the rights of innocent civilians rather than accommodating the desires of militants. This is the fundamental line our politicians must not cross. Sadly, after the killing of Hakeemullah Mehsud all red lines were crossed. The fury was overwhelming. Such expressions of despair soon after the killing of someone who attacked his people can only embolden the terrorists. Such outrage is not seen after routine murder and mayhem in Peshawar or over the brutal manner in which our security forces have been slaughtered. All this was done over the pretext of peace talks being disrupted. The very peace talks that the opposition was claiming had not started, and thus the attacks after the all-party conference. The interior minister gave no details of the talks except that some individuals were on their way to hold parleys. Sadly, talks cannot be one-sided and the Taliban spokesperson never owned the initiative nor showed any keenness for it. Mehsud was killed in a drone attack and there is consensus that drones attacks violate international law. They are to be condemned regardless of their victim. Ironically, none of the politicians who have gone ballistic over the drones raised an eyebrow over their use during the Musharraf regime. The Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf has vowed to blockade Nato containers and down the drones. Will these measures end or decrease terrorism in Pakistan and secure the lives of ordinary Pakistanis? If ending attacks by terrorists is indeed the objective and expected outcome then the PTI must make good on its promise. Populist threats are dangerous. They have a way of laying their own trap for those who initiate them. These are critical moments for Pakistan and politicians will be judged harshly if the country descends into further isolation. There are red lines that they cannot cross and one of these is not to sympathise with the killers of innocent people. The writer is a lawyer.
Fazlullah’s ascent By Khadim Hussain THE ascendancy of Mullah Fazlullah as the chief of the banned militant outfit Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has raised several questions.. The death of Hakeemullah Mehsud in a drone strike on Nov 1 and Fazlullah’s taking over the TTP is said to have jeopardised the government’s strategy to deal with terrorism in Pakistan. Confusion in all segments of society seems to be the order of the day. Two aspects of the complexity need to be disentangled to understand the situation. First, Fazlullah’s character and approach must be examined in the context of his rule over Swat Valley from 2007 to 2009. Second, the dynamics of counterterrorism need to be studied to devise a comprehensive strategy to fight militancy in Pakistan. The strategy adopted by Fazlullah to bring about a shift in the socio-cultural and political power structures in Swat valley included a narrative based on Salafi jihadist ideology, ideological persuasion, the spread of this ideology, social control and expansion of that control. Fazlullah’s discourse revolved around ‘jihad’, martyrdom, the revival of Islam’s glory; it was an anti-modernity, anti-woman and anti-state narrative. The illegal FM radio proved an effective tool to disseminate the discourse because it was inexpensive and easily accessible. Fazlullah identified the US and the Pakistani state as the enemy. He acknowledged and highlighted the lot of the marginalised, established a madressah and markaz or centre for ideological persuasion at Imam Dherai, a village north of Mingora across the Swat river. The markaz was built on communal land apparently with the local population’s support. Fazlullah developed a strong local resource base by persuading natives working in the Middle East and the West to donate generously to the newly established madressah. During the stage of social control, Fazlullah established a loose militia, called the Shaheen Force, which was later merged with the TTP. He established a parallel judicial system, and started targeting those who were socially, culturally and politically influential in the upper valley. His militia co-opted criminal gangs in and around Swat that provided him with trained hands in gun-running. Throughout this time, Fazlullah developed his organisational structure. He gradually isolated the community by banning television, the internet and girls’ education. Targeted killings and slaughtering of those suspected of ‘spying’ for the authorities also sent a chilling message to the community. State institutions in the upper valley were effectively defeated during this stage. Fazlullah’s militia started running a parallel administration. He started recruiting from almost all parts of Swat, especially from the towns of Charbagh, Kabal and Matta. Fazlullah’s organisational structure became robust. It was hierarchal and networked with other outfits after he joined the Baitullah-led TTP and became the Swat chapter head of the militant outfit. Militant training and recruitment drives were launched across the Swat Valley. Observers believe that the right-wing Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal government in the then NWFP facilitated Fazlullah in many ways in his attempts to gain control of the area. Firstly, the provincial government disallowed any move by the local administration or the federal government to block Fazlullah’s control of the valley. Secondly, the provincial government simply looked the other way as Fazlullah started large-scale recruitment and amassed financial resources and used his illegal FM radio channel to spread his extremist ideas. Keeping in view the roots of Fazlullah’s movement in Swat, one is in a better position to assess the strategy that could be adopted by the TTP in the days and months ahead. The ascendancy of Fazlullah as TTP chief seems to have brought militant tactics from the hinterland to the Pakistani mainland. The already established militant network and sleeper cells in the settled districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa might be activated by the TTP command to defeat state institutions. Peshawar, Swabi, Mardan and Dir may become the hub of militant activities in the coming days. The government has to construct and disseminate a counter-narrative to deny the militant network any large-scale exercise in recruitment. The illogical myths regarding the terrorist network in Pakistan that are being propagated on the social, electronic and print media for the last several months by many quarters need to be debunked. The state narrative can only be accepted as credible when the narrative of ‘jihad’ and private militias for achieving foreign policy objectives is altogether excluded as a policy option. Moreover, the definition of peace should not be confined to the absence of military-militant crossfire but include the rule of law, pluralism, constitutional democracy and human rights. Next, the government has to establish a coordinated intelligence network to block the militants’ supply lines. For this, the KP and central governments must be on the same page. The military establishment and governments too must have an understanding on the details of the counterterrorism strategy. It is also important for the federal government to make serious efforts to end its economic, political and strategic isolation with regard to neighbouring states so that strategic space for the militant network is squeezed. Urgent measures are needed to eliminate the sprawling economy of war. This will require the assistance and support of the international financial organisations and international community while strengthening indigenous markets, particularly in the conflict zones. In the context of Pakistan’s needed transformation, we can quote Michel Foucault: “I don’t feel that it is necessary to know exactly what I am. The main interest in life and work is to become someone else that you were not in the beginning.” The writer is a political analyst. khadimhussain565@gmail.com Twitter: @khadimhussain4
Out of the closet By Zahid Hussain WHY are we so horror-struck at the latest rants of the Jamaat-i-Islami emir? Munawar Hasan has only articulated more openly what his party stood for all along. . His remarks about Hakeemullah Mehsud being a martyr has merely removed the deliberate ambiguity the JI hitherto maintained on its deep involvement with the cause of the militants. Munawar Hasan’s resolute defence of the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has only brought into the open the JI’s not so secret connections with the militant forces challenging the Pakistani state. The truth is that many of those fighting in the tribal areas or those who have been involved in the attacks on the security installations have had some kind of an association with the JI. Surely this is not by accident. In fact, the country’s most powerful mainstream Islamic party has been in bed with Al Qaeda, possibly even before the 2001 US invasion of Afghanistan. The liaison was first exposed when Khalid Shaikh Mohammad, the self-proclaimed mastermind of the 9/11 attacks, was captured from the house of the leader of the JI’s women’s wing in Rawalpindi’s cantonment area as far back as 2003. This was certainly not an isolated phenomenon. There were other instances where JI members were found to have sheltered foreign fugitives. In a recent incident last month, security forces apprehended an Al Qaeda operative from the room of a member of the Islami Jamiat-i-Talaba, the student wing of the JI, in the Punjab University’s student hostel. The investigations revealed that the man was in contact with some key officials of the student group. These incidents underscore the support network that Al Qaeda enjoys in Pakistan. The linkages have also helped Al Qaeda recruit a new generation of young educated militants from urban areas. Most of them are splinters of mainstream Islamic political parties, including the JI, who have joined the jihadi network, presenting a formidable challenge to the Pakistani state. They have become the planners of many terrorist attacks heralding the new phase of militancy sweeping the country. In 2004, Pakistani security agencies arrested a young computer engineer Naeem Noor Khan from Lahore who is said to have worked as Al Qaeda’s communications chief. The 28-year-old graduate of Karachi’s NED University and an IJT activist was allegedly a key link between Al Qaeda’s inner circle operating from Pakistan’s lawless tribal regions and the network’s operatives around the world. There are many others in the ranks of the IJT and JI who were involved in Al Qaeda operations thus giving the group significant depth in the country. Already ideologically and politically motivated, Al Qaeda easily attracted them. One such example was Attaur Rehman, a Karachi University graduate and former IJT member, arrested in 2004 on the charge of masterminding an attack in June 2004 on the motorcade of Gen Ahsan Hayat, the then corps commander Karachi, that killed several army personnel. Attaur Rehman was the founder of the Karachi-based Jundullah, the most ruthless of Al Qaeda-linked groups. Among others who were arrested in connection with the attack were Dr Arshad Waheed, an orthopaedic surgeon, and his brother Akmal Waheed, a neurosurgeon. Both men were not only active members of the JI but also had close links with Al Qaeda. An intense campaign by the JI forced the authorities to release the two doctors who then fled to South Waziristan to join Al Qaeda. Dr Arshad Waheed was killed in a US drone strike in March 2008. An Al Qaeda videotape released after his death hailed him as a martyr who was “unparalleled in faith, love for his religion and belief in Allah”. Engineer Ahsan Aziz was another high-profile, former JI leader who joined Al Qaeda in Waziristan. He and his wife were killed in a drone strike in North Waziristan in 2012 and his funeral prayer was led by former JI chief Qazi Hussain Ahmed. The arrests of Al Qaeda leaders from residences belonging to JI activists had brought the party under national and international scrutiny, but there was no evidence of the JI’s direct involvement in terrorist activities. Although JI leaders do not acknowledge any organisational links to Al Qaeda or its affiliated militant groups like the TTP, they publicly defend Osama bin Laden and other Al Qaeda leaders killed or captured in Pakistan as ‘Islamic heroes’. Thousands of JI cadres had received training and fought alongside the Arab militants during the anti-Soviet war in the 1980s, developing a close affinity with them. Since then, the JI has become part of the global jihad with its highly motivated and well-trained fighters joining the war in different ‘jihadi’ theatres — from Kashmir to Chechnya and Bosnia. The JI enjoyed the patronage of the Pakistani military establishment in those ‘holy’ ventures which were perceived at the time to have served the country’s’ national security objectives. However, the events following the 9/11 terrorist attacks and Pakistan’s alignment with the US in its war against Al Qaeda changed the country’s security paradigm. Pakistan’s change of tack also placed the JI on the horns of a serious policy dilemma. The party leadership tried to walk a tightrope, balancing its relations with the military as well as its opposition to the US war in Afghanistan. That balancing act, however, became more difficult with the war spilling over into Pakistan. A large number of young JI cadres have deserted the ranks to join the militants fighting on both sides of the Durand Line. While the leaders struggled to keep the party relevant in a democratic polity, the more radicalised activists turned to militancy. It is, therefore, not surprising that the JI electoral political base has shrunk over the years. Now as the JI has put aside its untenable balancing act coming out in the open, publicly supporting the militant war, it has also ruptured its relations with its erstwhile patrons, the military. The unprecedented statement by the military on Munawar Hasan’s remarks has brought the conflict to a head. It may not be easy for the JI now to keep its credentials as a mainstream party believing in democracy. The writer is an author and journalist. zhussain100@yahoo.com Twitter: @hidhussain
A difference of decibels By Umair Javed THE burden of contextualising Pakistan’s politics beyond simplistic post-9/11 views of rampant extremism has been fairly heavy.. A popular line of reasoning used by progressive circles for this purpose — both in the country and abroad — has been the electoral track record of overtly religious parties. The argument goes something like this: religious parties have never done well in general elections — barring the heavily doctored 2002 exercise — and this particular fact points to the moderate credentials of a large portion of the electorate. Following from this, and depending on the need to feel optimistic, people have also talked about the silent majority facing a vocal-but-tiny retrogressive minority, and how this majority is a practitioner of syncretic rituals and Barelvi Islam. The fundamental problem with this analysis is that it relies on two empirical measures to gauge popularity of deeply conservative worldviews — one, voting for religious parties, and two, calculating the number of individuals who profess a preference for religious fundamentalism. The first, needless to say, is an oversimplification of electoral politics in general. People vote for a whole host of reasons and in a municipalised, bargain-heavy voting culture, ideology comes in fairly low down in the list of determinants. Even in areas where religious parties have been successful — the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F) in southern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) in urban Punjab and Karachi (at different times) — it’s been because of their ability to formulate political economy networks with the local peasantry or with middle-class professionals, university students and market associations. The second refrain — ie the presence of a silent majority — is slightly harder to unpack. The primary counter to this brand of optimism is that in times of populist mobilisation, revolutionary fervour, or even homogenous public opinion, every individual doesn’t become part of the ‘cadre’, nor does he or she openly profess allegiance. Mass mobilisations are successful precisely because they bring a critical amount of people together and create perceptions of massive resentment and fervour. This number may be less than 5pc of the entire population, but its resonance is far greater than those going about their lives silently. In fact, what one can and should say is that the success of the religious right in this country has been outside conventional platforms of political power. The proof of this assertion lies in the vernacular press. A two-month long analysis of city and metropolitan pages, of two major Urdu-language national dailies, reveals that events hosted by one or more religious parties account for approximately 22pc (or roughly one-fifth) of all news stories within local-level reportage. These events take several forms, first of which is the overtly political — where mid-to-higher tier leadership of Jamaatud Dawa (JuD), Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat, JI, JUI-F, Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam-Sami, Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan, Sunni Ittehad Council, and others hold their own gatherings for the purpose of disseminating opinions on national events. Such gatherings often conclude with a local protest, burning of the American flag, and reaffirmation of their commitment to bringing ‘true Islam’ in the country. The second variety encompasses the overtly theological events — these include Seerat-un-Nabi conferences, Khatm-i-Nabuwat conferences, panel discussions on what it means to be a good Muslim, Islam and modernity, debates in jurisprudence, and in some cases, Islam and contemporary business. The third variety includes those events that engage with students, or more broadly, the youth. These are hosted by various student wings, like the Islami Jamiat-i-Talaba, the Ahle-Sunnat Youth Forum, and cover both political discussions and general debates. Popular forms include ‘Islam and Education’, ‘Islam and Pakistan’, the ‘Ummah in the 21st century’, naat and hamd competitions, and role of women in Islamic societies. Finally, the fourth variety includes events to highlight philanthropic contributions — these range from JuD’s (and others) regular updates on earthquake relief and other charitable activities, to financial support for weddings in poor households. It may very well be argued that sympathetic voices in the Urdu press provide greater coverage to these organisations, but that in itself is quite telling of their reach and societal engagement. What is certain though is that religious organisations, holding a wide range of bigoted, retrogressive views, have nearly monopolised what is conventionally known as civil society space. Through their media-related and on-the-ground engagement, they set the social parameters circumscribing discussions and actions on sovereignty and the state, religion in public space, education and philanthropy. Moreover, their co-option of students, lawyers, academics, journalists and businessmen as volunteers and sympathisers, all in addition to their burgeoning crowd of full-time clerics, has allowed them to achieve something close to critical mass. Religious organisations have little need to become part of the state simply because they can effect policy and discourse as the primary voice in civil society. They can get YouTube banned, and blasphemy laws implemented; they can oppose amendments to the Hudood ordinance, and declare Malala an agent of the West; they can muddle the thinking on the Taliban, straitjacket the government, and declare open season on minorities. All of this because of the space granted by the state’s ideological agenda, their ability to work breathlessly for supposedly divine causes, and the gradual withdrawal of alternate public opinions. In fact, if all of this wasn’t so deeply troubling for the country, one couldn’t be faulted for admiring the organisational dexterity and voluntary spirit shown by these right-wing groups. In the aftermath of JI emir Munawar Hasan’s comments, people who have been pointing to the Jamaat’s electoral irrelevance as a sign of its decline are basically pointing to an irrelevant fact. The Jamaat as a party may have lost its political ground quite some time ago, but Maudoodi’s vision — where Ahmadis are hunted and the state continues its clumsy march towards theological emancipation — has won. All of this comes down to the difference in decibels between this mythical silent majority and a very vocal minority. The writer is a freelance columnist. umairjaved87@gmail.com Twitter:@umairjav
Haunted still by the ghost of JFK By Mahir Ali IT has lately been all but impossible to peruse more or less any American news website without encountering some sort of reference to the assassination of John Fitzgerald Kennedy.. This phenomenon is related, of course, to Friday’s 50th anniversary of his demise. But revisiting that traumatic event is hardly a recent trend. And part of the reason why Americans haven’t been able to get over it is that the murder is still shrouded in mystery. The passage of years has barely diminished the attraction of conspiracy theories. An opinion poll earlier this year suggested that barely a quarter of Americans buy the theory that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone in pointing a relatively obsolete rifle at his presidential quarry and pulling off three shots, two of which ostensibly found their mark, at a moving target from a tricky angle. Disbelieving the official narrative is hardly a novelty. As soon as a day after the event, the concept of cui bono (who benefits?) was already implicitly being cited in suspicions that vice-president Lyndon Baines Johnson was behind the hit — not least because Texas was his home ground. Intriguingly, among the plethora of recently published material is an account by a man who became a post-presidential aide to Richard M. Nixon, who says that LBJ’s successor — who happened to be the losing candidate in the closely fought electoral battle of 1960 — evidently was convinced of Johnson’s involvement. Notwithstanding his own moral lapses, Nixon was apparently prone to saying he was at least superior to Johnson because he didn’t murder anyone to reach the White House. Which is certainly interesting, if true. And, in turn, the same could be said about almost every theory surrounding the assassination, from allegations of CIA, FBI or mafia involvement, through the widely disputed findings of the Warren Commission, to the idea that Oswald had Soviet or Cuban assistance. In the case of the Soviet/Cuban context, it is obviously notable that Oswald was an ex-marine who had defected to the USSR, but was allowed to return to the US with a Russian wife, and was a known propagandist for the Castroist cause. On the other hand, the KGB reportedly found him too unstable to be of any use and the Cubans refused him a visa to Havana. Besides, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev had managed to establish a rapport with Kennedy. And a Western journalist who happened to be interviewing Fidel Castro at the time the first report of the assassination came through noted that he was visibly perturbed by the development and kept saying “this is very bad news”. It is not inconceivable, of course, that Castro was play-acting, or that the KGB had gone behind Khrushchev’s back — he was, after all, forced out the following year, at least in part because he had evidently backed down during the Cuban missile crisis. In fact, the peaceful resolution of that crisis was arguably Khrushchev’s finest hour, as it was Kennedy’s. The two leaders, as legend has it, were eyeball to eyeball. It wasn’t just the Soviet apparatchik who blinked, though. Khrushchev agreed to pull nuclear missiles out of Cuba, but only in return for Kennedy’s assurance that the US would not invade the island and, furthermore, would withdraw its nuclear warheads from Turkey — although the latter part of the deal was not immediately to be made public. In the preceding weeks, Kennedy had stood up to American generals who were bent upon inaugurating a third world war. Khrushchev quite possibly did the same vis-à-vis Soviet hardliners. It has nonetheless long been alleged that a primary reason behind the Warren Commission cover-up was that the unvarnished truth would inevitably have entailed a superpower confrontation. On the other hand, it has also been claimed that circumstantial evidence pointing to the Soviets and/or Cuba was in fact part of the CIA/FBI/mafia conspiracy. The fact that the official narrative is discounted even by the US secretary of state, John Kerry, tends to reinforce the impression that there will always be theories but perhaps never a universally accepted conclusion. Who killed Kennedy is not the only bone of contention, though. Even the question of who exactly was JFK remains disputed territory. Was the first US president to be born in the 20th century a deep-rooted conservative, an inveterate Cold Warrior who stumbled on to a missile crisis solution more by accident than design? Or was he a visionary who saw the logic in balanced relations with Moscow and Havana, and who was convinced that no good would ultimately flow from the American involvement in Vietnam — even though it had grown dramatically during his presidency — to the extent that he was determined to end it by 1965? Filmmaker Oliver Stone and academic Peter Kuznick tend to the latter view in the broadly fascinating documentary The Untold History of the United States. It’s equally possible, though, on the basis of the available evidence, to see the hopes invested in the Kennedy presidency as a precursor of sorts to the Barack Obama phenomenon. In a similar vein, Kennedy is credited with putting in place the architecture for the civil rights legislation that, at least in theory, transformed the American socio-political landscape within two years of his assassination. He can also be seen, though, as a go-slow advocate who resented the momentum generated by the movement led by Dr Martin Luther King Jr. The Camelot myth has been substantially dented in recent decades, and the fascination with Kennedy may taper off once most of the baby boomers to whom he meant so much have shuffled off the mortal coil. But I wouldn’t bet on it just yet. mahir.dawn@gmail.com
Broken paths By Tariq Khosa THE road to internal security disasters is paved with false assumptions that terrorists can be appeased or coaxed into accepting peace.. The conurbations in Karachi, Fata’s treacherous mountains and the vast Baloch hinterland have turned into lawless bastions of crime, terrorism and insurgency. Peshawar and Quetta have witnessed unprecedented bloodshed. Citizens wear expressions of fear and despondency while the state looks confused and weak. A frivolous debate about martyrdom status for a most-wanted fugitive or the men in khaki killed in the line of duty shows the moral hollowness of some holy cows. Let’s address the issue of political will. The federal and provincial governments, with the mandate to restore peace, are giving a mixed message of hope and despair. Some initial steps by the prime minister indeed promised positive change. He chose as interior minister a man known for his integrity and drive. Somewhat temperamental, he means business. He chose a police chief for Islamabad known for his professionalism. Meanwhile, the prime minister appointed a similarly capable individual as head of the intelligence bureau. This means that the bureau, previously notorious for its political wheeling and dealing, should no longer be a tool in the hands of political masters. The results came immediately with the arrest of suspected target killers in Karachi nabbed on the exclusive intelligence lead provided by the IB. Karachi, sometimes called the crime capital of Asia, soon caught the attention of the business-savvy prime minister. It’s to the credit of both the federal and provincial governments that they were on the same page and started an operation against the crime mafia with links to political parties. While political support for the operation was mustered through a cabinet meeting in Karachi, the real meeting took place behind closed doors. The prime minister was alone with the inspector general of police Sindh and the director general of Rangers. They were reportedly promised no political interference in their administrative and operational areas and also provided full support from the IB and ISI. A professional deputy inspector general known for his courage and impartiality was selected to head the Karachi police. Thus started the police and Rangers’ joint operation. More than 4,000 criminals have so far been arrested. The real test lies ahead. Can the police and Rangers successfully have the criminals prosecuted, armed as they are with the draconian Protection of Pakistan Act, the Pakistani version of the US Patriot Act? With hope on the horizon in Karachi, let us venture into an area that borders on despair and desperation. The Pak-Afghan border, especially Fata, is a safe haven for international militant groups as well as Pakistani militants under the brand name of the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). When Baitullah Mehsud masterminded attacks on our defence installations, including GHQ, an American drone targeted him to the satisfaction of the security establishment and the public. When Mullah Fazlullah challenged the writ of the state and tried to establish a parallel emirate in Swat, the army, with full public support, launched a ruthless operation that drove him across the border from where he continues his murderous forays inside Pakistan. But instead of adopting a dual-track strategy of talk and fight, all political parties decided in September to give ‘peace a chance’. While the TTP continued its ruthless assaults against innocent civilians and security personnel, the federal government and the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf-led government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa pursued their single-track mantra of peace talks, even at the cost of being perceived as custodians of a weak state. If the prime minister could not get categorical assurances from the US president regarding the suspension of drone strikes during peace parleys and especially after the US envoy had clearly informed the interior minister that the TTP chief would be hit come what may, then the government was in no position to formally initiate peace talks, knowing that a single drone strike could derail the process. Where was Plan B? I hope there is one now that the talks have been ‘sabotaged’ (before starting) and the government had “to pick up the pieces” in the face of what the interior minister called “broken paths”. Peshawar in particular and KP in general have continued to face the Taliban’s wrath after the PTI-led government took over. Many officers and men of the Frontier Corps and police have laid down their lives fighting terror and TTP tyranny. Under these trying circumstances, the morale of the law enforcement agencies — particularly the police — is of vital significance. While the government has appointed a professional as the provincial police chief, it is crucial that there is no interference in administrative matters and he has operational autonomy to tackle the menace of terror. The plan to raise a new counterterrorism force, enhance the capacity of the investigative branch and establish a forensic science lab requires financial support from the federal and provincial governments. The police chief has also introduced an institutional mechanism to create a pool of police station house officers who qualify to be in charge of local policing units. Any political interference in these initiatives will reflect adversely on the governance paradigm in KP. Hopefully, the chief minister will focus on boosting the morale of the beleaguered police force. Balochistan continues to be stuck in a quagmire created by the security and intelligence agencies. A well-meaning chief minister requires the support of the federal government, including its security establishment, to give him a free hand and resources to tackle insurgency and bring dissidents into the mainstream. He needs to focus on creating a unified criminal justice system across the province by gradually converting more than 90pc of B areas under the Levies to A areas under the police. Meanwhile, the Punjab province has a chief executive who accepts challenges with determination. One hopes he is prepared to fight the TTP and its affiliates who may soon, God forbid, knock on his door. The writer is a retired police officer.
Doctors’ dilemma By Rafia Zakaria IT was the end of a September day in Loralai, Balochistan. Dr Manaf Tareen, one of four trained cardiologists in the province, was finishing up at the hospital.. His afternoon had been spent treating a long line of patients who had come to see him from near and far. There were old patients and young patients, patients with diseased hearts that beat too fast or too slow or hearts with blocked veins or tired muscles that refused to pump blood. Not far from the facility where Dr Tareen worked was the provincial police headquarters, the place responsible for the security of a province that sees a barrage of deaths with each dawn and dusk. The day would not end well for Dr Tareen. Before he could leave, a group of armed men appeared at the hospital and kidnapped him at gunpoint. The road to the hospital is dotted with security and checkposts. They were not able to stop the kidnappers. The date was Sept 17, 2013. He has not been seen since. The kidnapping of Dr Tareen is one in a series of kidnappings of doctors that other parts of the country have also witnessed. In Balochistan, disregarded by governments past and present, the danger is particularly pronounced. The aftermath of Dr Tareen’s kidnapping, the 26th in Balochistan this year, drew only robotic condemnations from government officials before news cameras. Like always, they meant nothing. Those who can leave have left and more will likely continue to leave. According to Dr Haqdad Tareen, the chairman of the Pakistan Medical Association’s Balochistan chapter, 18 doctors have died in targeted killings in the province. In Balochistan, everyone knows, saving lives takes lives. The doctors left in Balochistan, those still committed to providing healthcare to patients who are some of the poorest in the world, face an ever-grimmer landscape of miserable choices. Days have passed since that September evening but there’s been no word of the whereabouts or welfare of Dr Tareen, no real investigation into who’s taken him, no concerted attempt to improve the security available to doctors in Balochistan. Faced with this ruthless set of circumstances, the doctors are desperate. In the lurid festival of fear that is each day in Pakistan, the disappearance of a doctor seemed unable to reach the level of catastrophe that merits concern. Disappointed, the doctors convened meetings and wondered in frustration what they could do to make the government care, take notice, to initiate some action. When nearly a month had passed and there was no word of Dr Tareen, no progress in discovering his whereabouts, the identity of his captors or the possibilities of his release, the doctors in Balochistan decided to go on strike. They began first with a token hunger strike, establishing a camp outside the hospital building so they could register their protest against the disappeared doctor. They also began to hold three-hour token strikes at government-run hospitals where they refused care to outpatients. While the doctors protested, the patients — having travelled hundreds of miles in lorries, carts and trucks, from remote parts of the province and from the even more distant recesses of southern Afghanistan — waited. Their numbers grew as groups of families clutching bedrolls and children waited on the hospital grounds. It was, however, only a conversation between the hapless and those without hope; after weeks of token strikes and hunger strikes, there was still no action from the government. It has been two months since the kidnapping of Dr Manaf Tareen. As a Balochistan autumn turns into winter, there’s still no word, no investigation, no security and no change in the situation confronting the doctors. The strikes, press conferences and pleas have all failed to stir the government. The captivity of the disappeared cardiologist continues; the rest of the country lurches from one crisis to another: a bomb blast here, a drone attack there, a controversy over whether a mass murderer could be a martyr — all take their turns on Pakistan’s television screens and in opinion columns. This week, the dejected doctors in Balochistan decided to employ the very last tactic available to them. After a year of having gunmen barge into emergency rooms, doctors kidnapped at gunpoint and medical staff killed, they did the last thing they could do. They stopped treating patients completely. Since Sunday, the outpatient departments at government hospitals in Balochistan have been shut down. The situation in Balochistan, with one beleaguered community of professionals having turned its back on those it has sworn to save, is a crude representation of the circuitous routes through which both those who have no hope and the hapless become morally complicit in the persecution of one another. The government of Balochistan seems to lack either the political will or the logistical capacity to provide any security to those who save lives. In turn, the doctors, ignored and terrified — and witness to the thick, armed cordons that provide security to the province’s elected officials — resort to the only means of getting noticed. In turning away patients, they expand the wounds, underscore the discontent and try to expose the problem. Their act of refusal hastens the deaths of many more, whose wounds fester and whose illnesses progress at the altar of a political protest that has stymied their only hope for cure. Against this moral quagmire of illness and desperation, a government remains untouched and somewhere out there, in the depths of the country whose citizens he treated, waits Dr Manaf Tareen, a doctor hoping to be found. The writer is an attorney teaching constitutional law and political philosophy. rafia.zakaria@gmail.com
Kennedy and a mother’s delight By Jawed Naqvi THE radio is etched in my memory as the device that regaled my childhood with Paluskar’s raga-based bhajans and Vilayat Khan’s Bhatyali Dhun. Melville D’Mello, Shurojit Sen and Lotika Ratnam read the English news with Oxbridge clip. . Subsequently, the contraption took me to the moon ‘live’ with Neil Armstrong and to Gary Sobers hitting his sixes against an Australian pace battery. Polly Umrigar was the closest we had in India then who could send the ball careening out of the stadium. But above all, I remember the radio for bringing the heartbreaking news of Kennedy’s assassination. When I got home that afternoon exactly 50 years ago to the day, the radio was on and I remember everyone was in grief. My mother struggled to fight back tears. There was no lunch that day and no one asked for it. The silence was palpable. Later, Bobby Kennedy’s shooting by Sirhan Bishara Sirhan not long afterwards came as another debilitating blow to us. His news came in the midst of a religious procession in Lucknow. We were sitting at a wayside chai shop in the old district of Nakhas, some of us wearing black to mark the 40th day of Imam Hussain’s martyrdom, watching the Chehlum processions go by. The sombre discussion in the Urdu newspapers was about Bobby Kennedy’s sad demise. Our conversation traversed deep into Palestinian history minus of course any struggle on the horizon to support or critique those days. The Palestinian issue was left to the good offices of the United Nations Organisation as it was then known and to a certain extent to Gamal Abdel Nasser. There was empathy for Jews in the predominantly Shia discussion. Their trauma at the hands of Hitler was fresh and it was ours, everyone’s. At home we were taught to respect the ‘People of the Book’. I could even marry a Jewish or a Christian girl without raising a controversy, or so I was cheerfully told. Hindu-Muslim marriages flourished later and when they did occur they were nothing to spend a discussion over. It was natural. Nehru was alive for a few months after Kennedy’s death and the world was idyllic that he was around. (Narendra Modi, who has been trying every abuse to strip India’s first prime minister of his dignity must have been a badly behaved toddler or possibly a sullen insecure child in those days.) There was hope and we didn’t have to underscore it. It was taken for granted. By the time my mother passed away recently at the ripe age of 97, she was unequivocally outraged with the Americans but there was nothing she held against the Jews. From Einstein to Chomsky, she scoured them with unalloyed approval. Only Zionists were at the receiving end of her bitter and anguished outbursts at the state of affairs. At home, she could tolerate Atal Behari Vajpayee when he became prime minister for the sheer fact that Nehru had watched him grow, but Advani and the rest that followed him were dismissed as a poorly cultured, ignorant and an unacceptable lot. She had time for John F. Kennedy instinctively because he represented a happy family with a beautiful wife and lovely children. It was around then that Kennedy’s landmark inaugural address — “We observe today, not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom” — was released by the American Library in Lucknow (there used to be one!) as a paper-thin vinyl record of 33 rpm. My mother watched with indulgence as my brother Shannay recited it at least twice a day from memory. Kennedy also in a way bridged the India-Pakistan divide being close to both newly created countries. It was a bonus for my mother that her sisters and their children from Karachi could visit her in Lucknow at will, frequently to watch movies, led by Mughal-i-Azam, a film that straddled diverse cultures. So what went wrong? Where did the Americans lose the plot? The country that gave India lifesaving quantities of grain and milk powder when it was on the brink of starvation, under a generous quota called PL480, was hardly likely to draw anger and so intensely too. A shipment or two of arms, including radars to guard against a future Chinese incursion was Kennedy’s legacy to India’s fledgling but until then defensive military sinews. (Actually the 1962 India-China war might not have taken place had the world, including Kennedy, not been so preoccupied with the Cuban missile crisis that threatened to annihilate the world in its halcyon days.) Was Kennedy a warmonger, as some contend, or the progenitor of the civil rights movement, as he is mostly remembered for? Veteran American historian Robert Caro was clear in a recent interview on CNN that it was Kennedy who held back from plunging the world into an imminent nuclear war. “When you listen to the tapes of the XCom, his executive committee, you sometimes feel like almost everybody in that room was arguing for an invasion or a bombing strike,” says Caro. “And every time things got heated you see he says something like, gentlemen, let’s take a break, let’s have dinner, then we’ll come back and talk…. So he’s pulling them back … He knew the verge — he knew the world was on the verge of nuclear war. And he had to find — give Khrushchev enough time to accept the plan for peace.” Like so many of us, my mother was excited over the election of President Obama, not the least because he was black. Would he undo the damage to his country’s image by his predecessors? My mother had given up on him when she died in July. I wish she were around a bit more to tune into the Voice of America on my internet radio. The news is that Obama, much like his apparent role model, is sagaciously pulling back from the precipice of unmitigated disaster. The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi. jawednaqvi@gmail.com
View from Brussels By I.A. Rehman THE government and textile magnates are visibly happy that from next year Pakistan is likely to start earning extra revenue from its exports to the European Union. They will do themselves considerable good by paying due attention to the EU’s perspective on the subject.. The reason to hail the prospects of securing GSP Plus (Generalised System of Preferences-Plus) status from the EU is understandable. Pakistan’s trade deficit has been growing year after year and is now said to be in the region of $21 billion. The pressure on our reserves and the currency itself will progressively become unbearable. The only way to stay afloat is not only to maximise exports from the current production range but also to increase the variety of exportable goods. Since increasing the volume of trade with traditional partners is considered less difficult than breaking into new markets, the idea of enlarging the volume of exports to the EU, Pakistan’s largest trading partner, comes easily to the mind of both our bureaucrats and businessmen. It has been suggested that the GSP Plus status should enable Pakistan to raise its exports (textiles) from $6bn a year by $1bn — an increase of more than 16pc. Several quarters are wondering whether Pakistan can derive the fullest possible benefit from the GSP Plus facility. The industrialists have complained of production bottlenecks (mainly energy shortfalls) but the questions of quality and pricing of goods are perhaps more important at present than infrastructural requirements. Even more crucial is the need to deal with constraints caused by the extremely narrow base (textiles mainly) of our exports. According to a friend who has had long experience in international commerce, Pakistan will be able to achieve an economic breakthrough only by ending its near total dependence on textile exports. While the diversification of exports, especially through expansion of the manufacturing sector (other than textiles), should be one of the permanent concerns of our policymakers, some thought should also be given to building Pakistan’s capacity to retain the confidence of its European partners. To begin with, the GSP Plus status is yet to be granted to Pakistan. All that has happened so far is that Islamabad has created a favourable impression on the European Commission and the relevant committee of the European Parliament has voted in favour of Pakistan (among many other countries). This has given rise to the hope that the European Parliament will follow suit sometime next month. Islamabad should not forget that getting a favourable vote in the EU parliamentary committee was not easy (17-12-1) and that the outcome in Pakistan’s favour was not absolutely certain till the time of voting. Participation in a discussion on whether the grant of the GSP Plus status and trade expansion will have a favourable impact on the life of the minorities held at the time the committee concerned was debating the matter, enabled the writer to get an idea of the kind of reservations the Brussels lobbies have about Pakistan’s eligibility for concessional treatment. Nobody needs to cavil at the European states’ interest in the rights and well-being of members of minority communities. Their desire to see that minorities get their due share in the country’s increased prosperity can easily be understood as a plea for respecting the principle of guaranteeing the fruits of economic development to all sectors of society, especially the most vulnerable, such as women and minorities. Regardless of the wishes of the trading partners no responsible authority anywhere should have any qualms about upholding this principle. One also heard the common Pakistani complaint that the EU’s reported emphasis on the abolition of the death penalty amounted to an unwarranted interference in Pakistan’s affairs as this country had a “sovereign right to treat its criminals according to its laws”. Apart from the Pakistani people’s habit of trying to escape from their obligations under the cover of a concept of sovereignty that is becoming increasingly irrelevant, such questions arise in citizens’ minds because they have not been taken into confidence about the conditionalities Pakistan has been accepting over the past six decades while signing defence pacts and economic relief agreements with the International Monetary Fund/World Bank. In any case, Pakistani spokesmen have found a way of explaining the extension of the moratorium on the execution of the death sentence, and so long as at least this position is maintained the world will not bother itself too much about Islamabad’s motives and excuses. Far more worrying, is the European community’s lack of faith in Islamabad’s capacity to respect and implement the 27 conventions (human rights treaties and ILO conventions) without which the GSP Plus facility cannot be extended. Nobody is prepared to overlook forever Pakistan’s record of ratifying international treaties and ignoring the requisites of their implementation. Greater proof is sought for sustaining the belief that the democratic order will survive, gain in strength and become immune to coups. This despite the fact that Pakistan’s representatives who have been interacting with the European Commission are respected for their ability to conduct fruitful discussions. Obviously, the world has not forgotten Pakistan’s proneness to default by political leaderships. The most strident criticism of Pakistan one hears in Brussels pertains to the freedom from taxation the elite enjoys. The popular refrain is that rich farmers are not taxed, and industrialists, including the politically powerful, are rated successful in terms of their skills in evading taxes. Pakistan’s case for cooperation will get a better response from the world if the country displays the will and the means to generate more resources and spend less — a piece of advice it has been receiving throughout its history. The consequences of ignoring this counsel any longer will be extremely grave.
Bashing the IMF By Khurram Husain I HAVE never seen an IMF programme take such a relentless beating before. At least not in Pakistan. The Fund has had its fair share of critics in the past, but this time something is unusual.. The current programme is getting battered from all directions. From former State Bank governors to former government advisers to ex-IMF staffers, all have joined in a large and growing chorus against this particular programme. Some are decrying the programme for strangulating the economy, while others are saying the programme is far too soft, and yet others are raising the flag of ‘defensive lending’, meaning the Fund is loaning us more money only to stave off a default. This is a departure from how it works in many other countries. The Fund’s no stranger to criticism, and has faced fierce storms of controversy. Most famously, it was accused of looking out only for the interests of Western banks and other lenders during the Asian financial crisis, and sacrificing growth in those countries in order to preserve their creditworthiness. In the mid-1980s, in the wake of the Latin American debt crisis, it was similarly accused of looking out only for the interests of Western investors and creditors, and forcing the opening up of Latin American economies to the needs of American capital. In both cases, the thrust of the critique was that the Fund operates to safeguard the interests of Western capital to the detriment of the borrowing country. The number of people joining this chorus grew very large in the aftermath of the Asian crisis, with some Nobel Prize winners joining the fray. The last global crisis, in 2008, is unusual in this regard. It saw a large number of countries line up at the Fund’s doorstep, but no major critique of the Fund and its role in the whole affair emerged. Most of the ire has been focused on the large bailouts engineered by Western governments to rescue their financial systems from imminent collapse, and there was little to no major scrutiny of the Fund’s role. In response to the new challenges presented by the financial crisis in 2008, the Fund has even introduced some fundamental changes in its thinking, most importantly its acknowledgement that in some circumstances fiscal deficits can be necessary. Of course, this history has little to do with us. All major critiques of the Fund over the decades have drawn on the experience of countries outside our region — mostly Latin America, East Asia and some in Africa. In each region, and in each time, there have been important differences in the role the Fund has played, and the nature of critique that has emerged in the aftermath of each crisis to which the Fund responded has also been different. In our part of the world, none of these critiques really apply, and the temptation to cherry-pick themes from these critiques and assemble one for our own experience should be resisted. The Fund has had a long involvement with Pakistan, but this involvement hasn’t yet been studied in any meaningful way. One thing we know, though, is that protecting Western creditors’ interests couldn’t have been all that important as a driving force, except maybe in small instances here and there, because there haven’t been any large-scale Western credits at stake in Pakistan, certainly nothing like in East Asia in 1997. There was an episode in the mid-1980s, but the sums involved were very small. Then there was the Fund’s insistence that Pakistan first seek a rescheduling of its Eurobonds in 1999 before applying for another Fund loan, primarily because it didn’t want to be perceived as bailing out private creditors. (Most of those Eurobonds were held by local investors in any case, so rescheduling could be safely called for.) Likewise, no major Western investor has been battering down the protectionist walls of our economy for the past three decades, as in Brazil or Chile. Opening up our economy has hardly been a strategic economic priority for the great powers. Another theory goes that our long engagement with the Fund has geopolitical roots and that the Fund is a surrogate aid dispensary in return for ensuring Pakistan’s participation in superpower geopolitical priorities. This approach has some merit to it, and certainly explains the contrast between the tough approach the Fund took towards Pakistan throughout the 1990s when the country was in the superpower’s doghouse, versus the soft approach it took in the years of Gen Musharraf. But still, there were crucial years like 1985 to 1987 — high-water mark in the geopolitical game — when Pakistan tried but couldn’t get anything from the Fund, unless that absence of support was itself dictated by the superpower, saying “their reserves are adequate, no need for anymore money at this point”. Within South Asia, the Fund’s involvement has been anything but comparable. Pakistan and Bangladesh have spent many years inside a Fund programme over the past 30 years, whereas India and Sri Lanka have not. Bangladesh has had a decent track record on tax reforms, whereas ours has been better at privatisation. There’s little uniformity to suggest a regional experience with adjustment, and likewise hardly any regional critique. So the Pakistan-Fund story with the Fund is a bit of a blank slate, with flashes of insight here and there that light up different aspects in patches. There’s an element of truth to what the various voices are saying. Yes, the programmes strangulate growth, but can Pakistan really afford growth without reforms? Yes, geopolitics is a factor, but there’s a lot of room for play within the limits set by the Great Game. This time it’s clear the Fund has a role to play in the geopolitical situation, but part of the reason it’s attracting such disdain might have to do with the miserly disbursement schedule. How the reviews go once the troops leave will reveal all, but who will care by then? The writer is a business journalist and 2013-2014 Pakistan Scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Centre, Washington D.C. khurram.husain@gmail.com Twitter: @khurramhusain
The bazaar bourgeoisie By Aasim Sajjad Akhtar MANY real and mythical actors animate narratives of modern Pakistani life, and particularly its politics: army officers, landlords, businessmen, mullahs, the ‘foreign hand’, and, of course, the proverbial awam.. The vast majority of these narratives place the rich and powerful at one end of the spectrum and the hapless awam at the other, with the occasional heroic general, judge or politician playing the role of game-changer. Needless to say, the plot in real life is rarely this straightforward. A truly representative analysis of actually existing Pakistan requires us to move beyond the usual suspects and consider less invoked social forces that play major roles in shaping the social and political landscape. Many scholars of Pakistan and other Muslim-majority societies have argued that small and medium-sized traders and merchants, or what some call the bazaar bourgeoisie, have greatly influenced the economic and political trajectory of these societies in the modern era. For some the genesis of this class can be traced to the mediaeval period, while for others its modern manifestation is a phenomenon unto itself. Either way, the experts argue, there can be no gainsaying the importance of the bazaar. Even though we do not associate them with grand political narratives, traders and merchants occupy a significant position in contemporary Pakistani society. Virtually all of us interact with the mercantile classes in the course of everyday buying and selling of goods and services, and often share with one another tales of their miserliness. Many of us also know traders’ associations to be amongst the most organised and vocal collectives in society. Over the past few decades, traders have mobilised actively not only to defend their own class interests, but also around a plethora of social and political causes, and especially the age-old slogan ‘defence of Islam’. The mercantile classes arguably came of age politically during the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) mobilisation that sounded the death knell for Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. The face of the PNA may have been the religious right, but insofar as it was a movement, its most significant component was the small-town arthi (agricultural middleman) infuriated by the nationalisation of agro-processing industries initiated in 1976. During the Zia dictatorship and subsequently, the political and economic clout of the mercantile classes has steadily grown, particularly in Punjab. The bazaar bourgeoisie has chosen to ally itself with two political constituencies as a means of accessing state power (and this is quite aside from its pandering to military regimes whenever these have been in place). The first ally of choice is the religious right. It is not by mistake that traders’ associations take up Islamic causes as diverse as blasphemous cartoons and Dr Afia Siddiqui. Not only do traders want their profiteering to be whitewashed by religion, there is also a clear sociological link between the religious right and trader-merchant segments. Those who are shopkeepers have brothers and cousins who are small-time imams; arthis are married to the daughters of madressah alims, and so on and so forth. There is a wide range of religio-political organisations supported by individual traders, both of the militant and parliamentary variety. In this sense traders provide a major fillip to sectarianism because they necessarily provide parochial support to the mosque or madressah of their own sect. The second ally of choice is the (mostly Punjabi) big bourgeoisie. The political power of the mercantile classes was institutionalised during the Zia era initially through non-party local bodies and then the 1985 non-party national and provincial assembly elections. Almost three decades later, while Zia loyalists have made a home for themselves in virtually every mainstream party, the Punjabi bourgeoisie has settled on the Sharif brothers as their representatives. There is a symbiotic relationship between the small/medium and big bourgeoisie, or in other words, between the bazaar and larger-scale industrial and mercantile segments. The PML-N and the prototypical trader do not enjoy a rapport that is beyond contradiction, but it is nevertheless true that the latter feel most comfortable when the PML-N is in power. In effect the relationship is three-way; the big bourgeoisie, the bazaar, and the religious right. Since at least the Zia years, this troika has been patronised by the unelected institutions of the state, albeit selectively. At the very least it can be said that the troika has been quickly mobilised if and when the establishment has needed to create the spectre of ‘popular’ support for its manipulations. The evidence also suggests that sectarian violence increases markedly whenever the PML-N has controlled the reins of power at the centre. Surely this is not a coincidence. Notwithstanding the rather typical claims of the current government that the clashes in Rawalpindi during the Ashura period were the work of conspirators, it is hard to look beyond the quite dramatic increase in activity by ‘banned’ organisations since the general election in May. The PML-N made a lot of apparently positive noises both before and after coming to power. Particularly compelling for many progressives was Nawaz Sharif’s repeated promises that establishing a sustainable peace with India would be amongst his major priorities. Unfortunately, six months in the saddle have quashed whatever optimism that may have been lingering; it is, after all, hard to reconcile such claims with the fact that the troika of big bourgeoisie, bazaar and religious right appears as coherent as ever. Granted this troika, like any other established political force in Pakistan, is subject to its fair share of internal crises. The pressures exerted by global and regional players can cause disruptions in the ‘normal’ state of affairs as much as the exigencies of domestic politics. In any case the point I wish to emphasise is that the ‘intermediate’ strata such as the bazaar bourgeoisie are a mainstay of Pakistan’s political economy. We must move beyond sporadic and superficial references to it so as to promote both meaningful analysis and the building of an alternative politics to challenge the right-wing onslaught. The writer teaches at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.
Dividend or nightmare? By Faisal Bari YOUSAF and his wife wanted at least a son, preferably two. They now have two. But they also have four daughters. One of the daughters is physically challenged. . Yousaf works as a driver. His salary is not enough to ensure a decent standard of living for 10 people (including his old parents). He is the only breadwinner of the family. And he keeps running from pillar to post, trying to do two jobs when he can, to earn a bit extra. Even with the running around he is always worried and stressed out and almost always in debt. Yousaf cannot afford to have his children educated. So he is making choices under severe constraints. He sends his older son to the best school he can afford: a low-fee private school that advertises itself as an English-medium school. He sends three of his daughters to a public school while the child who is physically challenged does not go to school. The other son is too young for school. Yousaf knows he will not be able to send him to the same private school unless his income goes up by Rs500 a month. Though it is hard for Yousaf (and his wife) to articulate why he wanted sons, he feels strongly that sons are an important legacy and they are an essential means for ensuring that his old age will be well taken care of. Whether he is right in his perceptions or not, he feels strongly enough about this to have had six children even when he had a good idea of his income level. Five poorly educated and one uneducated child. Have Yousaf and his wife made the right choice? Whatever the answer, he has definitely imposed a cost on society. If these children remain uneducated, they are not likely to contribute to the ‘demographic dividend’ story that has been so popular in some development policy circles in Pakistan for the last few years. If Yousaf and his wife cannot get their children educated, society has to allocate the resources for them to do so. Currently there are, by some estimates, 20 million-plus school-age children who are out of school. Clearly society is not doing a good job of allocating resources for educating children who are not being educated by their parents. Sakina, who works as a maid in three households to make around Rs9,000 a month, has eight children. She only wanted a couple but her husband, who is a junkie and does not work, was not in favour of using contraceptives. He did not care about the number of children and his approach resulted in more than eight pregnancies for Sakina and eight surviving children. Despite her 10-hour workday and six-day work week, she is not able to even provide proper nutrition to her children. Though some of her children go to public schools, on and off, since there is no one at home to supervise or manage them, even the ones who go to school are not learning anything. Though fertility rates have come down significantly in Pakistan, they are still high by international standards and it is estimated that by 2050 Pakistan will have a population of 275 million (some estimates go as high as 350 million). If a lot of these people survived malnutrition in the early part of their lives and are uneducated we will have a demographic nightmare on our hands as the dividend. ‘Do bachay khushal gharana’ and catchphrases about a minimum three-year interval between children were common in the media at one time and quite well known. At some point in time, maybe due to the decline of fertility rates, family planning issues went off the radar of society and the government. Though fertility did decline, the drop was not steep enough to warrant the complacency that developed and continues. This has to change, and urgently. If Yousaf and his wife’s perceptions about the value of sons are true, the underlying factors have to be addressed to change these perceptions. If Yousaf’s perceptions are wrong, his misperceptions need to be corrected. Sakina’s preferences need to have more weight. And all of them need to have options, as a matter of right, and with easy access and at affordable prices, relating to reproductive services. Surveys show there is significant demand for such services but the state is not providing them right now. This too needs to change and urgently. Nadeem, who works as a cook, has stopped at three children. This despite the fact that he lost another child to illness. His brothers and sisters have five or six children each. He thinks he can only provide for three children. He wants to educate his children well. He is investing in quality rather than quantity. If we could provide the same assurance and environment to Yousaf and his wife maybe their choices would have been different too. There cannot be any element of coercion here. People make the best choices they can, given their choice sets. Changing choices requires changing their choice sets. Yousaf and Sakina are not being irrational or even sub-optimal. They are doing the best they can given what they face and what they believe to be the case. If society wants different outcomes, the underlying factors behind the choices need to change. But if we are not able or willing to address these issues, we should prepare for the nightmare that we will face in a few decades. The writer is senior adviser, Pakistan, at Open Society Foundations, associate professor of economics, LUMS, and a visiting fellow at IDEAS, Lahore.
Policemen to the rescue By Asha’ar Rehman EVEN those who are perturbed by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s infrequent visits to Pakistan will find it hard to fully understand the pains Punjab is undergoing these days.. Islamabad is more used to not having a Sharif. It was ruled by a non-Sharif, non-PML-N set-up between 1999 and mid-2013. Lahore by comparison was luckier in that it reclaimed Shahbaz Sharif in 2008 who then shined through a full term in office. This is why the absence of a Sharif from the scene is more acutely felt in the Punjab capital. The system is so lacking in substance without Chief Minister Shahbaz angrily managing it as he used to until only a few months ago. For all we know, the chief minister may be busy quietly building a tunnel which connects us to light. He may be taken up with the signing of some memo of understanding somewhere. That does not make his departure from the scene of action any more bearable for the crowd. It is like losing the practitioner par excellence, the man with every cure, to some tedious, unseen research project. The consequences are serious. Shahbaz’s absence is often and without too much effort equated with the absence of government. It is only after the chief minister manages to reoccupy his customary space on the newspaper’s front page that the public trust is somewhat restored and hopes rise regarding a dip in the price of tomatoes. But on topics requiring slightly more tactful handling, say a sectarian clash, the chief ministerial takes do not inspire the same confidence as they would only a few months ago. Obviously, the denial of the facility where it had a federal government to blame it all on has taken some of the sting out of the aggressive Punjab provincial discourse on all things bad. Uncertainty has set in. Thus when a bloody clash occurs in Rawalpindi, it takes time for an official response to shape up and find its way into the media. Once again, as is usual for this latest term of his, CM Shahbaz is not inclined to promptly come on stage and issue a ready statement. His deputies take awfully long to decide how they want to go about revealing the truth. As they mull over the grave situation, tension rises. Everyone who has something to say adds to the sense of impending danger. Everyone calls upon ‘people belonging to various religious schools’ to not play into the hands of the enemy. We have seen better days. Compare the current confusion to the happenings during the period between 2008 and 2013. Then the PML-N government in Punjab could routinely point a finger at the PPP-led centre for letting it down. A terror strike in Punjab was always a result of intelligence failures of the federal agency. The centre in its turn had Punjab to hold accountable for its ignorance and its refusal to pay heed to warnings sent its way. Invariably then-interior minister Rehman Malik would be there to counter-accuse Punjab over its law and order blunders. It was anything but a dual among equals. The PML-N retained the high moral ground all along as the PPP struggled tamely to fight perceptions about its permanent incompetence to govern. But that blame game was a dose the addicts had become so used to. With practice they had learnt to derive a certain kind of pleasure from the cockfights between politicians and had come to believe that they had no role in the search for a solution to this problem. Can they continue in the same vein any longer? Reports say there were signs of trouble brewing in Rawalpindi long before violence erupted. The difference this time was that all those who were responsible for taking notice of that tense build-up were, without exception, under the command of the PML-N leadership. This was something the official spokesmen of the Punjab government found somewhat awkward to deal with since their response under the previous set-up had been more political than administrative and based on a wilful neglect of local factors. Just as the Punjab government has lost that remarkably useful and ever-ready defence against occurrences, the people of Punjab have also been shocked out of a state where they could rely upon their understanding of convenient outside factors and absolve themselves of responsibility. They must now face up to the questions and attempt to locate the answers. That search for answers has to be led by the government. The government promises a thorough probe of Rawalpindi. However, because of its compulsions, while the results of that probe are awaited, the government must record a more immediate reaction to the violent incident. It does come up with one, not by innovation but by resort to the old. Prime Minster Sharif’s first comment on Rawalpindi after his return from Bangkok earlier this week reads like a page from the chronicles of a powerless police station house officer somewhere. It does resonate with the aspirations of the common citizen but is desperately short on solutions. The prime minister blames the old suspect, the police, not only on the basis of the available evidence but also due to the fact that with the federal agencies now on its side, the PML-N did not have too many choices. Obviously, the government must be working on some comprehensive plan to tackle the sources of violence and hatred at the grass-roots. Maybe not the entire plan can be shared with people at this stage beyond rapping the plump policeman and barring the shouting at the loudspeaker as hate speech. But just as the government leaders must appear by the side of the people in the people’s moments of need, there has to be a visible plan reflecting a resolve and strategy to inspire popular support. Unless that emerges, it does not make too much of a difference whether the house-minders are home or not. The writer is Dawn’s resident editor in Lahore.
Karachi horror stories By Irfan Husain WHEN we read about Hakeemullah Mehsud’s death by drone, some accounts of his final moments mentioned that he was at the gate of his lavish mansion in North Waziristan.. Nobody speculated on how this house was paid for, but my guess would be that the money came from Karachi: over the years, the city has become a giant ATM for the Taliban. Instead of plastic cards, however, these terrorists use Kalashnikovs. To be fair, several political parties protect criminals who have also fastened their hooks into the city like ticks sucking an animal’s blood. The result of this free-for-all is a traumatised population living in constant fear. Hardly anybody I know in Karachi has gone untouched by the daily violence and crime that wrack the city. People use routine evasive measures to try and lessen their risk when they step out of their doors. But all too often, criminals break into houses with impunity. Life and property are at constant risk. Many keep two wallets and two mobile phones when they leave their homes. One (less valuable) set is to offer gunmen when being mugged. I, too, usually leave my credit cards at home: there have been many horror stories about people being driven from one ATM to the next, pulling out as much cash as possible at gunpoint. And when it’s not the constant danger of a random hold-up at gunpoint, it’s the regular payment of bhatta, or protection money, so many businessmen are forced to pay. How pervasive this has become became evident when I stopped to buy flowers the other evening from my local florist. This is a tiny operation run from a wooden platform on a street corner, so it can hardly be considered a target for gangsters. Nevertheless, the owner said he was forced to pay Rs100 a day. And the nearby shopkeepers were regularly shaken down too. At the other end of the criminal spectrum, I was told of the kidnapping of a highly successful Karachi industrialist recently. He and his driver were stopped on their way back from his factory in the evening by gunmen, forced into a pickup, and driven blindfolded for a few miles. They were kept there for a couple of days before the driver was released at a distance from the hideout. The industrialist — who doesn’t want to be identified for obvious reasons — was then forced into a sack and driven for three days and nights. He describes most of his journey as being over smooth roads, with stretches of unpaved surfaces. The vehicle was not stopped at the many checkpoints close to the border, but when he emerged from the sack, he was on Afghan territory. The kidnap victim was kept chained and blindfolded most of the time for over a month; every now and then, he was casually beaten by passing guards. After weeks of this treatment, his captors negotiated his ransom. Again, he is reluctant to disclose the amount, although it ran into several crores, or tens of millions. He was then forced into a vehicle and driven far away before being made to walk several miles. Here, his captors called the Karachi number he gave them so he could tell his wife the amount she needed to raise, and the details of the drop-off. After the call, the mobile phone was destroyed. Significantly, the only thing these kidnappers — who he was sure were members of the Taliban — seemed to fear were American drones. After the money was paid, the businessman was taken back to Karachi the same way he had been driven to Afghanistan. Again, the vehicle went unchallenged. He was dropped at a remote place outside the city from where he made his way home. Clearly, the Taliban see the value of returning their victims once the ransom has been paid. In view of Karachi’s rising tide of violent crime, I recently asked a very senior police officer of the Sindh government if he had any cure for this plague. He said the crisis could be resolved if three conditions were met. Firstly, the political interference had to stop. Officers were transferred on whim: if one annoyed a politician, or if some favourite wanted a job, police officials were moved around, irrespective of merit or experience. While registering a case in a police station a few years ago, I noticed that the board carrying names and tenures of officers in charge showed that several incumbents had been transferred within three months of taking over. Next, around 5,000 policemen had been recruited over the last few years either because of their political connections, or because they had paid bribes. Most of these recruits were incompetent, but because of service rules, they couldn’t be thrown out without lengthy administrative proceedings. Finally, and most importantly, the police needed the judiciary’s support in fighting crime. Currently, many criminals were either given bail or released on flimsy grounds. Hundreds had been rearrested for other crimes. Cases took years to reach a conclusion. Witnesses were either too frightened to come forward, or were reluctant to be called to testify again and again as hearings were repeatedly postponed literally for years on end. Given these handicaps the police are being forced to work under, it is easy to see why crime is so out of control in Karachi. While our police force is widely seen as ineffective, we need to understand the underlying reasons for its impotence in tackling the city’s crime wave. Morale and training are issues that need to be improved urgently. When I look at the living and working conditions of our supposed guardians, I can hardly blame them for their poor performance and corruption. Ultimately, we get the policing we are willing to pay for. Above all, our politicians and our judges will have to cooperate, and support our police if we want a safer city. irfan.husain@gmail.com
Hijacking foreign policy? By A.G. Noorani IT is trite to say that no foreign policy can succeed unless it enjoys popular support. . It is, however, equally valid to assert that a foreign policy, formulated after full deliberation in the light of the national interest, must not be sacrificed at the altar of popular moods or sectional interests. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had to face an acute dilemma on whether or not to attend the recent Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Colombo. The Hindu reported on Nov 5 that the external affairs ministry had recommended that he should go in view of India’s “paramount security and strategic interests” in and around Sri Lanka. The Prime Minister’s Office agreed. But the cabinet and ‘the Core Group’ in the Congress were split; not on whether participation in the CHOGM was in the national interest but in deference to whipped up regional emotions in the state of Tamil Nadu. The divide was exclusively on regional lines. India goes to the polls in 2014. The two main political parties in Tamil Nadu, the ruling All India Anna Munnetra Dravida Kazhagam and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, have been locked in a contest on which of them cares more for the Sri Lankan Tamils. The Congress party in that state did not want to lag behind. Two ministers of state, V. Narayanasamy and Jayanti Natarajan, joined the union shipping minister, G.K. Vasan, in voicing their opposition to the proposed trip. In the Congress Core Group, Finance Minister P. Chidambaram and Defence Minister A.K. Antony opposed the visit. All hail from Tamil Nadu, bar A.K. Antony. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Jayalalitha got the state assembly to adopt a unanimous resolution urging the prime minister not to go to Colombo. She cited the Canadian prime minister’s decision not to participate in the CHOGM. It is impossible to exaggerate the impact of the prime minister’s absence on public opinion in Sri Lanka and on its leaders even if India was represented at the CHOGM by External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid. The prime minister’s participation in the CHOGM would have enabled him to engage at a high level with Sri Lanka’s leaders on issues that matter and would have sent a strong message to other chief ministers that he would not grant them a veto on his government’s decisions on foreign policy. This is precisely what the volatile chief minister of West Bengal Mamata Banerjee has done. She has succeeded in preventing signature on an important agreement, which India concluded with Bangladesh, to the embarrassment of the prime ministers of both countries. On Nov 9, it was revealed that Dr Singh would not attend the CHOGM after all. No sensible government will conclude an agreement with a neighbouring country without consulting the leaders of the region which shares a border with that country. But this is a far cry from giving the states a veto on the centre’s considered decisions on foreign affairs. It is a sad day for India’s foreign policy. Trust the chief minister of Gujarat, Narendra Modi, a candidate for the prime ministerial office, to muddy the waters. His party, the Bharatiya Janata Party, has always stood for a centralist polity. On Oct 18, in his first speech on foreign policy, he betrayed all too clearly his ignorance on the subject and, incidentally, his unfitness for the high office to which he ardently aspires. The demagogue even asked why important international conferences and summits should not be held in the states. That he had in mind some degree of participation by the state government emerged from his claim that it would provide the states’ bureaucracy with some exposure. Each state in the federation should be allowed to have partnership with one country. All this is the stuff of sheer ignorance on the subject on which Modi so confidently held forth. Precisely what does that ‘partnership’ imply and entail? Chief ministers have freely negotiated deals on water and economic issues with leaders of foreign countries. But, ignorant assertions should not blind all who believe in the concept of a genuine federalism to the fact that in this day and age the process involves some role to the federating units in the realm of foreign affairs. In June 1948, the Indian government offered to the Nizam of Hyderabad a draft ‘Heads of Agreement’ on defence, foreign affairs, and communications. They were reserved for the Indian government with a qualification: “Hyderabad will, however, have freedom to establish trade agencies in order to build up commercial, fiscal, and economic relations with other countries; but these agencies will work under the general supervision of, and in the closest cooperation with the Government of India. Hyderabad will not have any political relations with any country.” Do the states of the Indian Union not deserve as much respect? Every federal constitution has room for growth. In Australia an all-party constitutional convention resolved on April 29, 1983 that the federal treaty-making power should not be abused to undermine the states’ autonomy. Later, a conference adopted ‘Principles and Procedures for Commonwealth — State Consultation on Treaties’. It fell into three parts: consultation, treaty negotiation process, and federal-state aspects. A detailed procedure was laid down. “Where state interest is apparent, the Commonwealth should, wherever practicable, seek and take into account the views of the states in formulating Australian policy and keep the states informed of the determined policy.” Already in certain cases, states’ representatives were included in delegations to “international conferences which deal with state subject matters.” It observes that “The purpose is not to share in the making of policy decisions or to speak for Australia” but to ensure that the states know what is afoot and are in a position “to put a viewpoint to the Commonwealth”. This is a fair approach. Some Indian states’ claims go much beyond this. The writer is an author and a lawyer based in Mumbai.
Behind the smokescreen By Abbas Nasir THE game in the region and indeed in Pakistan is changing as the pieces of the jigsaw suggest but the whole puzzle is far from coming together.. So let’s try ourselves to piece together what’s happening. The military’s support to the militants motivated by religion isn’t a particularly well-guarded secret in the country. For decades, such militants were viewed as the second line of defence, even a low-cost offensive weapon which could be deployed on foreign soil with the added advantage of deniability. We all know how disastrous that policy was and how its repercussions are now threatening the very existence of the country. One has to be clear in assigning responsibility and apportioning blame in such critical areas so the water is not muddied by ambiguity. Many of us believe that given the size of the monster there is only one major player in the country capable of taking it on with any chance of success. That is why army chief Gen Kayani’s statement identifying the internal threat as the gravest facing the country was welcomed. Despite this statement, years of double-speak by our men in khaki left many sceptical about its meaning. They asked if the general would follow up with action his expression of what constituted the gravest threat to Pakistan’s unity and integrity. Action did not follow. Instead, a demand for national consensus did. Yes, the army chief predicated any military move on terrorist sanctuaries on a national consensus. His critics rightly slammed him and said consensus wasn’t sought for action in Balochistan. Why here? A totally valid assertion. But look at the ground reality. The army has trampled human rights in tackling what it says is a foreign-backed insurgency in Balochistan but the rest of the country has remained unaffected. The response of the organised and religiously motivated militants to any action would be different. And if the brunt of this feared blowback has to be faced by areas that have so far remained by and large immune to terror attacks and from where the bulk of the military is drawn then any such action would have to be initiated only after getting all and sundry on the same page. The army’s adventurism in the past and its quest for so-called strategic depth and support to rabid militants may have been a solo flight but now when it wanted to possibly retrace its steps it needed the support of elected civilians. Has that support been forthcoming? Public positions of the various elected parties suggest it hasn’t. However, in a country where for years statecraft has equalled deploying the art of duplicity to varying degrees we can’t be sure. There are other indicators too. One of the most important has been the reaction of some of the politico-religious parties and also some rabid hyper-nationalists who have made a home in other political parties — both traditionally strong allies of the military who have worked in tandem with intelligence agencies to ‘further the national cause.’ Of late the tone and tenor of these elements has been so bitter that they appear no better than a jilted lover’s. The more they froth at the mouth at what they must see as a betrayal by their erstwhile khaki patrons the more one feels there might be a change in direction. Hakeemullah Mehsud’s killing in a drone attack may have blasted off the table any imaginary or real talks post-APC but far more significant has been the accurate human intelligence which pinpointed the location of Afghanistan’s feared Haqqani Network’s key leaders in two attacks. The first saw the Network’s key fund-raiser killed in broad daylight in Islamabad, the other, a few days later, in the drone strike on a madressah near Hangu which reportedly killed some key Haqqani Network commanders from Afghanistan. Would one be right in assuming that GHQ is finally coming round to the view that there may not be good Taliban and bad Taliban? That whatever we wish the case to be, all Taliban have much, much more in common with one another than any institution of a democratic state? Despite rampant sectarianism (primarily because for a long time the state used militants of more or less one particular school of thought to further its foreign policy goals) and predominantly faith-based targeted killing, a Rawalpindi-like incident didn’t happen in the past. Opinion is so badly divided on the issue that not many would agree with me for now at least but I strongly believe that most of those involved in the incident (though one condemns the murder of 11 people in the strongest possible terms) were used as pawns in a greater game by the shrewd backers of the TTP. The message wasn’t for the common man but for those with a possible North Waziristan Agency clean-up operation on the drawing board if all attempts to talk sense to the militants fail. Yes, the militants’ commitment to replacing democracy with their version of Sharia seems unshakeable and they won’t hesitate to plunge the country in bloody chaos. Another factor that must engage Pakistani military planners also would be the possibility that the US keep a sizeable force in Afghanistan beyond its withdrawal date in 2014 which is now being called the drawdown. Much will depend on the thinking of the new army chief but even more on the elected government. The last it was in power, it did demonstrate an appetite to take on the extremists and hyper-nationalists whether it was the sectarian terrorists or those out to sabotage the Vajpayee visit. The apparent harmony between the military leaders and the elected government suggests an agreement on the basics between them. Hopefully, the Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khans and Rana Sanaullahs are no more than smokescreens. The writer is a former editor of Dawn. abbas.nasir@hotmail.com
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