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National News
Rs7m spent on ex-CJ’s temporary residence
ISLAMABAD: After his retirement last December, former Supreme Court chief justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry has comfortably settled into a government house next to his old official residence for six months. However, what is disturbing is that the renovation and maintenance work done at his ‘temporary’ abode has cost over Rs7 million.
ISLAMABAD: After his retirement last December, former Supreme Court chief justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry has comfortably settled into a government house next to his old official residence for six months. However, what is disturbing is that the renovation and maintenance work done at his ‘temporary’ abode has cost over Rs7 million.
According to official details of renovation and maintenance at the residence of the former CJ available with Dawn, the amount has been spent on the purchase of new furniture, bathroom fittings, curtains, wooden floor and rugs.
Just the purchase of new furniture cost Rs1.6m and renovation of bathrooms ran up a bill of Rs1.4m.
The ex-chief justice, who retired on Dec 11, left his former official residence and was given house No 12 in the Judicial Enclave, where a judge of the apex court was residing.
According to official details of renovation work, Rs1.6m was spent on the purchase of new furniture, Rs1.4m utilised on renovation of bathrooms, Rs0.6m on bathroom fittings, Rs0.27m on whitewashing, Rs0.75m on purchase of new curtains, Rs0.15m on supply of new rugs, Rs0.6m on construction of a shed, Rs0.35m on laying of wooden floor, Rs0.35m on purchase of floor tiles, Rs0.25m on roof treatment and Rs0.2m on purchase and fixing of marble slabs.
It has been learnt that some of the work is still in progress and the details of these expenses will be known later.
The opposition has already obtained information about what it termed ‘extravagance’ committed in the name of maintenance and brought the matter to the notice of parliament.
An inside source said the former CJ, who gave a number of historical decisions during his five-year term in office, asked for renovation and maintenance work in his present official residence soon after he shifted his family there.
The order was conveyed to the Pakistan Public Works Department (Pak PWD), which is responsible for maintenance work in many government buildings, including the Prime Minister House, the Presidency, Supreme Court building, Ministers’ Enclave and Judicial Enclave.
However, a senior official of the Pak PWD, under whose domain the Judicial Enclave fell, refused to carry out heavy maintenance work in the residence. He said he did not have the funds required to meet the expenses of the extraordinary maintenance work.
Later the case was referred to the Pak PWD headquarters and the department’s top brass gave approval for the work.
The Pak PWD Director General, Attaul Haq Akhtar, said he was not aware of any expenditure in the house of the former CJ. He, however, said it would not be around Rs7m. “Normally we carry out petty maintenance work at government houses but not for that huge [an] amount. How is it possible that Rs7m have been spent on the maintenance of a three-bedroom house?”
The DG said whatever amount had been spent on the residence of the former CJ had not been approved by him. “I have neither seen any such estimates nor approved them,” he claimed.
In reply to a query, Mr Akhtar said the former CJ has been provided a house in the Judicial Enclave for six months, for which he was authorised.
Opposition curious
An opposition politician, Senator Farhatullah Babar, said he had sent a question to the Senate Secretariat asking for details of the amount spent on lodging, security and stay of the former CJ in his new house. “We have already invoked parliamentary instruments to find the truth behind reports of extravagance at public expense in massaging the ego of individuals. We will then [raise] the issue in parliament appropriately,” he added.
“One is not surprised given the well-known penchant of the former CJ for protocol, security, pomp and show,” Mr Babar said.
Supreme Court Registrar Dr Faqir Hussain told Dawn he was not aware of the maintenance and renovation work.
The registrar agreed that he would reply to queries on the renovation work if they were e-mailed to him, but was unable to answer them even two weeks after the questions were sent to him.
“I have checked such kind of renovation work at my end but could not find anything. I came to know that all such details would be available with PWD so it is better to contact the PWD people to confirm your report,” the registrar told this reporter.On the other hand, sources said the registrar was fully aware of the work done in the residence of the former CJ because he was coordinating with officials of Pak PWD on the matter.
Information Minister Pervez Rashid, who also holds the portfolio of law, was reluctant to comment on the issue, saying he was not aware of any such renovation and maintenance work.
He, however, said that maybe the condition of the official residence provided to Mr Chaudhry required such a heavy maintenance work. “If such a heavy amount has been spent on that house, even then it would be considered as value addition to an official residence that would be handed over to any other judge after six months’ stay of the former CJ.”
Policy rate left unchanged
KARACHI: The State Bank has kept its policy rate unchanged at 10 per cent for next two months.
KARACHI: The State Bank has kept its policy rate unchanged at 10 per cent for next two months.
Unveiling the monetary policy on Saturday, the bank noted an improvement in key indicators, but also warned that the economy was still facing serious challenges and suggested a proactive policy effort was required to maintain the momentum.
Missing persons case: govt to file FIR
ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court adjourned the hearing of a case about a missing man, Yasin Shah, to Thursday after the attorney general informed it that the federal government would register an FIR in the 35 missing persons’ case.
ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court adjourned the hearing of a case about a missing man, Yasin Shah, to Thursday after the attorney general informed it that the federal government would register an FIR in the 35 missing persons’ case.
Expressing disappointment over the perceived foot dragging by the government, the Supreme Court had on Tuesday given it another opportunity to comply with the court’s previous orders in the case and warned that it would summon the prime minister and the governor and chief minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa for explanation under contempt rules.
“I regretted that the FIR should have been lodged much earlier by the KP government, but since it has not done so, the federal government will do that,” Attorney General Salman Aslam Butt assured a three-judge bench headed by Justice Jawwad S. Khawaja on Wednesday.
It should have been done by now, but because of the presence of dignitaries in the capital the FIR would be registered in an hour or so and submitted to the court for its perusal, he said.
“This is a significant development,” Justice Khawaja said. He observed that only the Constitution and law would prevail in the country. “Whatever the court has said in its orders” was the answer when Dawn asked the attorney general against whom the FIR would be registered.
In its Dec 10, 2013 verdict, the Supreme Court headed by then chief justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry had ordered the prime minister as well as the KP governor and chief minister to ensure recovery of the missing persons in seven days and take action against those responsible for detaining them. The order held that the army authorities under Pata regulations had removed 35 internees from the Lakki Marwat internment centre.
Twelve of them were later produced before the court.
The defence ministry has already moved a petition seeking review of the Dec 10 verdict. The ministry pleaded that holding the army responsible for enforced disappearances would demoralise the troops engaged in combating terrorism in Swat and Malakand.
The stand taken by the government in the court on Wednesday drew mixed reaction from the legal community.
Advocate retired Col Inamur Raheem, who always pursues missing persons’ cases, said the AG’s statement about registration of an FIR against the people responsible for enforced disappearances had given a new hope to the families of missing persons.
“It was a sensible step taken by the government which would definitely bring rule of law in the country,” he said, adding that the people maligning the entire force should be taken to task. It has now become the duty of KP police to investigate the matter and present a challan in the court of law.
Advocate Raja Mohammad Irshad, who has represented intelligence agencies in various cases, said he had not yet seen contents of the FIR, but the stand taken by the government would highly demoralise the forces fighting militants and sacrificing their lives. “Our forces are being slaughtered by militants, but instead of encouraging them and realising their sacrifices such a stand is being taken,” he regretted.
At the outset of the hearing on Wednesday, the Supreme Court declined to hear Additional Defence Secretary retired Maj Gen Raja Arif Nazir.
The attorney general tried to explain the government position and that a one-man commission had been constituted to look into the matter, but the court called Muhabbat Shah, brother of Yasin Shah, to the rostrum and asked the attorney general to look straight into the eyes of the complainant and feel the pain and agony he was undergoing.
Need stressed to address water threats
ISLAMABAD: Federal Minister for Planning and Development Ahsan Iqbal accused India on Thursday of causing water and air pollution and reduced river flows in Pakistan.
ISLAMABAD: Federal Minister for Planning and Development Ahsan Iqbal accused India on Thursday of causing water and air pollution and reduced river flows in Pakistan.
Addressing participants of a seminar on the ‘National Water Day’, the minister said internal and external water threats needed to be addressed urgently.
He said that domestic factors were also responsible for up to 1,186 million acre feet (MAF) of water having gone into the sea unutilised in 35 years, causing a loss of $174 billion to the national exchequer.
In what appeared to be the first official admission about Pakistan losing water to its neighbour, Mr Iqbal said the country gave away 33MAF of water from its three eastern rivers to India under the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty. This greatly affected the per capita availability of water.
“Since then there has been gradual decline in the trans-boundary flows into Pakistan. The magnitude (of the decline) is alarming,” he remarked.
The flows in the eastern rivers declined by 10.25MAF, “which is a serious issue and needs to be properly investigated”.
The reduction in flows, he said, coupled with growth in population had reduced water availability in Pakistan to 964 cubic metres per person per year which was critically less than the threshold of water scarcity.
This would hamper health and wellbeing of the people and severely affect economic development, Mr Iqbal said.
The minister also warned of possible diversion of water by the Afghan government. “We need to remain alert about development activities of the Afghan government on Kabul River,” he said.
The minister called for establishment of a national water council for inter-provincial and inter-ministerial coordination on key issues. He said the government needed to rise to the occasion and to take corrective measures to avoid a crisis-like situation.
“Our failure to formulate and implement an effective energy policy in the last decade triggered an energy crisis, which, along with causing suffering to the people, is threatening our food security, economy and development. If we fail to formulate and implement an effective water management policy, it will lead to a disaster.”
SC wants ECP to carry out delimitation in Sindh
KARACHI: The Supreme Court of Pakistan directed the federal and Sindh governments on Thursday to make legislation for empowering the Election Commission of Pakistan to carry out delimitation of constituencies for the local government elections in the province.
KARACHI: The Supreme Court of Pakistan directed the federal and Sindh governments on Thursday to make legislation for empowering the Election Commission of Pakistan to carry out delimitation of constituencies for the local government elections in the province.
Upholding a Sindh High Court’s verdict partially, a three-judge bench of the apex court headed by Chief Justice Tassaduq Hussain Jillani also directed the ECP to complete the delimitation process within 45 days and “ensure that the announcement of election schedule and the process of holding it is complete by or before Nov 15, 2014”.
The SHC order had said: “The entire delimitation exercise carried out by the delimitation officers is declared to have been conducted in violation of sections 10, 11, 12 and 13 of the Sindh Local Government Act, 2013, and the guidelines issued by the government. Consequently, the final delimitation proposal published in the official gazette on 13.11.2013 for Hyderabad, Mirpurkhas, Sukkur and Larkana divisions and the notification dated 21.11.2013 published for Karachi Division both are set aside.”
Later, the provincial government and two other petitioners — Syed Mureed Ali Shah and Syed Zafar Ali Shah — moved civil appeals against the SHC verdict in the apex court.
The three-member bench, which also included Justice Khilji Arif Hussain and Justice Azmat Saeed, observed in its ruling: “Since the delimitation of constituencies for the local government is part of process of organising and holding elections honestly, justly and fairly which is constitutional mandate of the ECP, the power to carry out such delimitations should vest with the ECP.”
In the verdict, the judges observed: “As the holding of local government polls has been delayed for more than nine years, which is violation of constitutional command, we are persuaded to direct the governments, federal and provincial (of Sindh), to carry out appropriate amendments/legislation to empower the ECP to initiate and carry out the process of delimitation of constituencies for the local government elections.”
While disposing of the appeals against the SHC’s verdict, the apex court ordered the ECP to ensure the announcement of election schedule and process of holding it before or by Nov 15, 2014.
The provincial government in its appeal had submitted that the delimitations of the constituencies had been carried out lawfully. It had submitted the SHC had set aside hundreds of those delimitations which were done to the complete satisfaction of the residents and the candidates and the judgement of the bench was liable to be set aside on this ground alone and elections may be allowed to be held accordingly.
PM rules out sending troops abroad
MIANWALI: In what appears to be a move to put at rest speculation rife in the country in the wake of $1.5 billion given by Saudi Arabia to Pakistan, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif declared on Thursday that Pakistan was neither sending its troops to any country for taking part in operations nor had any country made such a request.
MIANWALI: In what appears to be a move to put at rest speculation rife in the country in the wake of $1.5 billion given by Saudi Arabia to Pakistan, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif declared on Thursday that Pakistan was neither sending its troops to any country for taking part in operations nor had any country made such a request.
Talking to journalists after a ceremony held to name the Mianwali Airbase after the 1965 war hero M.M. Alam, Mr Sharif said Pakistan was against arms race in the region, but it could not neglect its defence.
“Being peaceful does not mean giving up our independence. We have to defend our political, economic and cultural sovereignty,” he said.
Since the Saudi dignitaries’ visit to Pakistan a few weeks ago, rumour mills have been working overtime that Pakistan may have agreed to provide arms as well as soldiers to help Syrian rebels fighting to topple President Bashar al Assad’s regime.
However, Prime Minister Sharif said that recent visits by Arab leaders were in Pakistan’s interest and must not be linked to such assumptions. More such visits were expected, he added.
The APP quoted him as saying that the visits by leaders from Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and Kuwait bore testimony to their friendship.
He described the visit by King Hamad bin Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa of Bahrain as fruitful and productive.
The prime minister said the country was facing “serious challenges” and it was high time to take “tough decisions”. Pakistan, he added, could not afford to waste more time and steps were being taken to put it on the path to development.
Pakistan did not harbour aggressive designs against any country. “Our government is clear on this issue. A strong Pakistan with strong armed forces guarantees regional peace,” Mr Sharif said.
He said every step would be taken to strengthen the country’s armed forces, including its air force and navy.
He mentioned a Quranic verse which stresses that horses be kept ready for taking on the enemy and said its connotation in today’s world is to equip the armed forces with best weaponry and advanced professional training.
Mr Sharif recalled the bravery of Air Commodore Mohammad Mehmood Alam and expressed confidence that other personnel of the PAF would follow in his footsteps.
He announced renaming the PAF Mianwali Airbase as PAF M.M. Alam Airbase to honour the hero on his first death anniversary.
M.M. Alam is known for downing five Indian fighter aircraft in less than one minute in the 1965 war.
On his arrival at the base, the prime minister was received by Air Chief
Marshal Tahir Rafique Butt, Northern Air Commander Air Vice Marshal Arshad Malik and Mianwali Base Commander Air Commodore Mohammad Zaheer Mirza.
The premier was accompanied by Defence Minister Khawaja Mohammad Asif and Information Minister Pervaiz Rashid.
The ceremony was followed by a fly march past in which F-16, JF-17
Thunder, F-7 and other aircraft participated.
The prime minister also unveiled a commemorative stamp issued by Pakistan Post bearing the photo of M.M. Alam.
Issue of FIR in missing persons’ case yet to be resolved
ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court was about to close the 35 missing persons’ case on Thursday, but Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s disclosure that a formal FIR was yet to be filed in the province on the defence minister’s complaint spoiled it.
ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court was about to close the 35 missing persons’ case on Thursday, but Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s disclosure that a formal FIR was yet to be filed in the province on the defence minister’s complaint spoiled it.
Consequently, a three-judge bench headed by Justice Jawwad S. Khawaja directed the KP government to ascertain the situation on the ground and inform the court on Friday morning.
The court had taken a case about a missing man, Yasin Shah. It was initiated on an application of his brother Muhabbat Shah.
In its Dec 10 verdict, the court had held that the army authorities were responsible for removing 35 internees from the Malakand internment centre. Since then the court had repeatedly warned that it would issue contempt notices to the prime minister, along with the governor and the chief minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, if its orders were not complied with.
The complaint moved on behalf of Defence Minister Khawaja Muhammad Asif held Naib Subedar Amanullah and others responsible for removing the 35 internees from the Malakand internment centre and hiding their whereabouts.
The KP Advocate General, Abdul Latif Yousufzai, informed the court that the deputy commissioner had told him that since no sections of any law had been mentioned in the complaint, he was ascertaining what sections of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) should be added while registering the FIR. Mr Yousufzai said Malakand police would convert the complaint into an FIR under Rule 25(3) of the Police Rules 1934 on the orders of a magistrate after cancelling the same in the federal capital police.
At this Justice Khawaja recalled the registration of a case relating to the June 19, 2013, murder of former Islamabad IG Bani Amin’s daughter-in-law. Although the murder actually took place in Peshawar, the FIR was registered in Islamabad. However, the case was later referred to Peshawar.
The court welcomed the development in missing persons’ case and said that at least the law had been set in motion.
“This will leave no doubt that everyone is subservient to the Constitution and the law has to prevail at all cost,” Justice Khawaja observed. He said that adherence to the Constitution never belittled anyone and, therefore, no one should ever make these things a matter of prestige. It is the duty of everyone to bow before the law.
The court then went through the contents of the complaint and summoned Secretariat police station SHO Abdul Rehman. The SHO confirmed recording the complaint and referring it to the Malakand police station for registration of an FIR.
The KP advocate general requested the court to summon the Malakand deputy commissioner to explain his position. But the court said that in the presence of the senior law officer of the province, it would neither call the deputy commissioner nor did it require any assistance from the defence ministry.
“We are making headway,” Justice Khawaja said, adding that it was always difficult to put toothpaste back in the tube after extracting it.
Govt to oversee intelligence gathering
ISLAMABAD: The government has for the first time empowered itself, at least on paper, to practically oversee and manage collection of terrorism-specific intelligence from civil and military agencies.
ISLAMABAD: The government has for the first time empowered itself, at least on paper, to practically oversee and manage collection of terrorism-specific intelligence from civil and military agencies.
In future all 26 intelligence agencies gathering information about terrorist outfits and their potential evil designs will be responsible to the newly set-up National Intelligence Directorate under the reformed National Counter-Terrorism Authority (Nacta).
The momentous decision was taken on Tuesday at a meeting attended by almost entire civilian and military leadership at the Prime Minister’s Office.
Elaborate security arrangements were put in place for the meeting. Personnel of both the civil armed forces and military were deployed all around, particularly on the route from Rawalpindi to Islamabad.
An official statement said the prime minister had directed that the National Intelligence Directorate under Nacta be immediately set up to pool national and provincial intelligence resources.
As proposed in the new national security policy unveiled on Feb 26, the meeting approved the establishment of a rapid response force at the federal and provincial levels with trained manpower.
Nacta was actually set up by the PPP government in 2009 for the sole purpose of countering terrorism.
“The ISI has a vast area of operation and works as the first line of defence against internal and external security threats to the country. Under the new scheme, the ISI will be playing a crucial role in gathering intelligence for Nacta,” the official said.
Chaudhry Nisar has pointed out several times lack of working relationship between the civilian and military intelligence agencies.
TALKS WITH TTP: The meeting was also briefed on talks with Taliban. According to the source, Chaudhry Nisar, who is the focal person of the government on peace dialogue with the banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan, said the two sides (TTP and government committees) were trying to find common grounds to take the process forward.
Talking to journalist at a function, Information Minister Parvez Rashid said the government would discuss TTP’s demands and make its response public in due course of time.
One of the demands relates to release of no-combatants (women, children and the elderly) who the TTP claims are in military-run internment centres.
The defence ministry has categorically rejected the Taliban claim. In his opening remarks at the meeting, Prime Minister Sharif said the provincial governments and institutions would have to work hard to eradicate terrorism from the country. “Economic prosperity is linked with security and peace in the country.”
LEGAL FRAMEWORK: The newly legislated legal framework dealing with counter-terrorism measures was also reviewed. According to the official handout, the prime minister asked the provinces to ensure that admissible evidence is gathered and efficient and timely prosecution is carried out in heinous offences. He directed early establishment of high security prisons in the four provinces.
The prime minister asked the chief ministers to effectively utilise the Protection of Pakistan Ordinance because it had made electronic evidence admissible and allowed video link trial and transfer of trials/prisoners to other provinces and preventive detention of aliens.
The prime minister later handed over bomb disposal response vehicles to the chief ministers. The vehicles are equipped with advanced technology to defuse bombs and improvised explosive devices.
Crisis threatening Balochistan coalition averted
QUETTA: A crisis threatening the coalition government in Balochistan was averted on Wednesday and the ministers belonging to the PML-N decided to end their boycott of the cabinet meeting and withdraw their resignations they had submitted to their leader.
QUETTA: A crisis threatening the coalition government in Balochistan was averted on Wednesday and the ministers belonging to the PML-N decided to end their boycott of the cabinet meeting and withdraw their resignations they had submitted to their leader.
This was announced at a press conference addressed by Sardar Sanaullah Zehri, senior minister and the leader of the PML-N’s parliamentary party in the provincial assembly, and Chief Minister Dr Malik Baloch.
Dr Malik said that the coalition partners resolved the issues which had threatened their relations. He said that he would ensure that such a situation did not recur.
“We will make joint efforts to solve problems being faced by the province,” he said.
“The chief minister has assured the PML-N ministers and MPAs that their grievances will be redressed. Decisions have been taken on all contentious issues at a meeting of coalition partners,” Sardar Zehri said.
The ministers would attend a cabinet meeting to be convened soon and go to their offices, he said.
“I and the chief minister trust each other,” he said. “The chief minister has promised to meet on daily basis the PML-N ministers and MPAs in his secretariat from 1pm to 3pm.
He said that the coalition partners had also discussed the issue of election of heads of local bodies.
The coalition partners will try to curb corruption and improve law and order.
He said that now there would be no differences among coalition partners.
Answering a question, the chief minister said that as a political worker he believed in devolution of powers to the gross-root level. “How I can I deprive members of my cabinet of the right to exercise their powers.”
The coalition partners would hold consultations on the budget and other issues to ensure transparency in government decisions, he said. He invited suggestions from coalition partners and the media for people’s welfare.
Balochistan Assembly Speaker Mir Jan Mohammad Jamali and the leader of the PML-Q’s parliamentary party in the assembly, Jaffar Khan Mandokhel, were present on the occasion.
Strong trade ties with Bahrain urged
ISLAMABAD: President Mamnoon Hussain has called for translating the political goodwill and fraternal bonds existing between Pakistan and Bahrain into a strong economic and trade partnership to the benefit of the people of the two countries.
ISLAMABAD: President Mamnoon Hussain has called for translating the political goodwill and fraternal bonds existing between Pakistan and Bahrain into a strong economic and trade partnership to the benefit of the people of the two countries.
During a meeting with King of Bahrain Shaikh Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa at the Presidency on Wednesday, Mr Hussain said Pakistan attached great importance to its close and fraternal ties with Bahrain and desired to consolidate and strengthen them in diverse fields.
He said Bahraini investors and businessmen should avail themselves of the investment opportunities and incentive packages offered by the government for investment in Pakistan in diverse areas, including energy, agriculture, livestock and textiles.
The president said Pakistan would welcome Bahraini investments in major projects in the fields of energy, downstream oil industry, port development, mining and minerals, infrastructure, banking and financial sectors.
He said Pakistan had keen interest in concluding a free trade agreement with the Gulf Cooperation Council and sought Bahrain’s support in its early conclusion.
The agreement would pave the way for increased commercial activity between Pakistan and the Gulf countries, he added.
Mr Hussain said that a large number of Pakistanis who were living and working in Bahrain served as a bridge between the two countries and played a positive role in the development of Bahrain. Pakistan has skilled manpower that can play a role in different economic sectors of Bahrain.
King Hamad said Pakistan was like a second home to him.
Defence Minister Khawaja Mohammad Asif called on King Hamad and discussed with him matters of cooperation in defence and defence training and in the field of education.
They also discussed cooperation in the field of defence production.
The king appreciated the capacity of Pakistan’s defence industry.
Khawaja Asif said Pakistan faced a lot of difficulties during the war on terror and rendered unprecedented sacrifices. “We have not only lost our brave and valiant soldiers in the line of duty but civilian population has also suffered immense causalities.
“Pakistan believes in regional stability and peace in Afghanistan. We are also keen on supporting Afghanistan and strongly believe that it is in the interest of the region.”
Bahrain acknowledged Pakistan’s sacrifices in the war on terror and its role in regional stability.
Adviser to National Security and Foreign Affairs Sartaj Aziz also called on the king.
During the meeting, King Hamad said that bonds of love and amity between Bahrain and Pakistan were deep rooted in “our culture and history”.
“Although we are new countries we have been trading partners for 7,000 years when the Indus Valley civilisation had trade with Dilmun civilisation,” he said.
The king said that it was easy to translate the political goodwill into effective economic and trade relations. He expressed the desire for enhancing trade and investment which would lead to tangible dividends for the progress and prosperity of the people of the two countries.
He also shared with Mr Aziz his views on bilateral, regional and international issues of mutual interest.Mr Aziz emphasised the importance the government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif attached to relations with Bahrain and briefed the king on priorities of Pakistan’s foreign policy.
Also on Wednesday, King Hamad visited the Joint Staff Headquarters where he was received by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee General Rashad Mahmood.
Defence Minister Khawaja Asif, the Chief of Army Staff, General Raheel Sharif, the Chief of Naval Staff, Admiral Mohammad Asif Sandila, and the Chief of Air Staff, Air Chief Marshal Tahir Rafique Butt were present on the occasion.
During the meeting, the two sides pledged to enhance military cooperation.
The king praised Pakistan’s military for its valour and sacrifices in defence of the motherland and its professionalism, quality of training and commitment.
Bahrain says it wants to mend fences with Iran
ISLAMABAD: In an obvious reference to Iran, Bahrain said on Thursday that it expected Pakistan to have a moderating effect on Muslim countries in the region.
ISLAMABAD: In an obvious reference to Iran, Bahrain said on Thursday that it expected Pakistan to have a moderating effect on Muslim countries in the region.
“We look forward to Pakistan having influence of moderation and peace,” Bahrain’s Foreign Minister Shaikh Khalid bin Ahmed bin Mohammed Al Khalifa said at a press conference at the conclusion of the three-day visit of King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa.
During the king’s visit, Bahrain raised the issue of its troubled ties with Iran, accusing it of interference in the kingdom, which recently witnessed an uprising against the monarchy.
Pakistan helped it in putting down the revolt by allowing Bahrain to recruit retired security personnel for its security forces.
Though the Bahraini foreign minister denied having sought Pakistani support against Iran or asking Islamabad for mediation, his statement at the media conference hinted at Manama’s desire for outside help in fixing problems with Tehran.
The foreign minister said his government wanted to mend fences with Iran, but the Iranian government was not serious in a rapprochement.
“We want them to take steps to mend this relationship,” he added.
On finding Pakistan’s government not too keen in further discussing the Iran issue because of local political expediencies, Foreign Minister Khalifa said: “We have explained our position at meetings and agree that Pakistan has to have balanced relations with all countries in the region.”
Speaking about Pak-Bahrain defence cooperation, the foreign minister said it was historical and wide-ranging.
Recalling the King Hamad’s unprecedented visit to Joint Services Headquarters, he said the trip marked the “culmination” of one phase of cooperation and laid the foundation for much more extensive relationship in future.
He refused to give details about the nature of defence cooperation being worked out by the two countries, saying it should be left for the military side. He did not deny that Pakistan was considering sending more security forces to Bahrain and said details of cooperation could not be disclosed.
The joint communique said that both countries, while agreeing to intensification of bilateral defence and security cooperation, decided to initiate annual security dialogue.
“It was also decided to strengthen sharing of information, intelligence and assessments,” the communique added.
Bahrain has reportedly shown interest in making defence purchases from Pakistan and also sought help in military training.
The communique further noted that there was agreement on further enhancing high-level political exchanges, cooperation in the fields of economic, trade and investment, defence and security and people-to-people contacts.
The two sides agreed to a meeting of foreign ministers in later half of this year to continue their consultations, which the communique said would serve as an umbrella framework for bilateral cooperation.
Govt finalises plan for direct talks with TTP
ISLAMABAD: The government has finalised a plan for holding direct talks with the outlawed Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan.
ISLAMABAD: The government has finalised a plan for holding direct talks with the outlawed Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan.
The new committee formed by the government to hold talks with the TTP Shura called on Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan on Wednesday and gave final touches to the plan for taking the peace process forward.
Official sources told Dawn that the venue for talks would be decided in two days.
The meeting was informed that the Taliban had promised to dissociate themselves from the groups which did not follow the ceasefire. It was told that the TTP was trying to identify such groups and committed to taking action against them.
A source said the government was committed to the peace process and wanted to start the second phase of talks as early as possible. The government wanted to remove all irritants and believed that any uncalled for delay would encourage enemies of peace, he added.
He was confident that the venue would be decided in 48 hours and the talks would start soon.
The head of Taliban negotiating team, Maulana Samiul Haq, also expressed optimism about early start of talks and said there was no deadlock.
He told reporters that discussions were going on to finalise the venue of the meeting.
He confirmed that the government committee did not agree to go to Waziristan and the Taliban did not want to hold talks in government buildings.
Maulana Sami said incidents of terrorism in the country had decreased after the announcement of ceasefire.
The nation should not be disappointed over the dialogue process, he said.
Meanwhile, Maulana Hafiz Tahir Ashrafi, the Chairman of the Pakistan Ulema Council, offered to help the government in dealing with any religious seminary involved in terror activities or training of terrorists.
During a meeting with the interior minister, Maulana Ashrafi said he was against the use of such institutions for political gains. “We are against using a seminary for political activity or making it a hub of anti-social, anti-state activity.”
But he urged the government not to take action against seminaries under the pretext of law and order.
The minister said there was no plan to launch an operation against seminaries. “Madressahs are playing a positive role in promoting religious education in the country.”
Chaudhry Nisar asked the ulema not to pay any heed to rumours. He said the government was planning to conduct a survey of madressahs.
The minister sought the ulema council’s help in developing a database about madressahs because some of them were being operated by dubious management.
Maulana Ashrafi assured the minister of support in matters relating to streamlining of seminaries.
He called for an audit of local and international funding for seminaries’ reforms.
“We have heard that a huge amount is being received, but the output is not visible.”
Maulana Ashrafi urged the government to reveal details of the funds received for the purpose and tell the nation where the money had been spent.
PPP rejects govt’s claim on $1.5bn Saudi aid
ISLAMABAD: The main opposition Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) has rejected the government’s explanation that it has received $1.5 billion from Saudi Arabia as a gift and alleged that the government is hiding facts from the nation.
ISLAMABAD: The main opposition Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) has rejected the government’s explanation that it has received $1.5 billion from Saudi Arabia as a gift and alleged that the government is hiding facts from the nation.
“It is the biggest gift in the world’s history and should be included in the Guinness Book of World Records,” said the leader of opposition in the National Assembly, Syed Khurshid Ahmed Shah, while talking to reporters at his Parliament House chamber on Tuesday.
“One has to tell 100 lies to hide one,” he said and urged Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to tell the truth in a session of parliament.
Mr Shah said that contradictory statements coming from different government circles were creating doubts about the official claim that the money had been received as a gift. On one hand, he said, the government claimed to have received such a big amount as a gift and, on the other, a minister had stated that Saudi Arabia had released the money on personal surety of the prime minister. “Gifts are not given on someone’s surety.”
He criticised Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan for his “misleading and irresponsible statement” on the floor of the National Assembly that district and sessions judge Rafaqat Awan had been killed by his own guard during a terrorist attack on Islamabad courts earlier this month.
The PPP leader said that an inquiry report on the court attack suggested that the judge had been killed by terrorists and not the guard. He asked the minister to explain whom he had supported and served through his statement. “It is now up to him (the minister) to make a decision about himself over this act,” he said while indirectly calling for his resignation.
About the appointment of chief election commissioner (CEC), Mr Shah said that the government had accepted his proposal to appoint retired Justice Rana Bhagwandas and even a bill had been passed by the National Assembly. But due to some misunderstanding, the bill was referred to a committee when it was taken up by the Senate.
He said that he had asked the government to either wait for the committee’s report on the bill or propose three new names for the CEC office. He said that the government had yet to respond.
Ties with Bahrain based on mutual trust, says PM
ISLAMABAD: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif said here on Tuesday that Pakistan and Bahrain enjoyed close and cordial relations based on mutual trust and understanding.
ISLAMABAD: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif said here on Tuesday that Pakistan and Bahrain enjoyed close and cordial relations based on mutual trust and understanding.
Welcoming King Hamad bin Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa at the PM House, he said the institutional framework of political consultation between the foreign ministries of the two countries provided a useful mechanism to review relations.
“We would deeply appreciate Bahraini support for early finalisation of a free trade agreement between Pakistan and the Gulf Cooperation Council,” he said.
The prime minister said the Pakistani community residing in Bahrain served as a bridge between the two countries and had played a positive role in the development of Bahrain as well as contributed to Pakistan’s economy.
Pakistan had skilled manpower which could play their role in different economic sectors of Bahrain, he added.
Earlier, on his arrival here on a three-day official visit, the leader of Bahrain was accorded a warm welcome by the prime minister and members of his cabinet at the Nur Khan Airbase.
The services chiefs and Punjab Chief Minister Mian Shahbaz Sharif were also present on the occasion. A contingent of the three services presented a guard of honour.
The two countries signed six documents relating to cooperation in various sectors, including promotion and protection of investment, cooperation in food security, an air services agreement, cooperation between interior ministries, and cooperation in the fields of power and water.
Delegations of both countries also met under the leadership of the prime minister and the Bahrain king.
Later, Prime Minister Muhammad Nawaz Sharif hosted a dinner in honour of the visiting delegation.
Tahir Shahbaz appointed SC registrar
ISLAMABAD: The government appointed Tahir Shahbaz, a senior bureaucrat, as registrar of the Supreme Court on Tuesday.
ISLAMABAD: The government appointed Tahir Shahbaz, a senior bureaucrat, as registrar of the Supreme Court on Tuesday.
Mr Shahbaz said he had not yet been informed about his new assignment. “I have heard through the media and some friends that I have been made registrar of the Supreme Court.”
Mr Shahbaz has served in different positions with several government organisations.
Currently he is serving as additional secretary in the Cabinet Division. Prior to that, he served in the Prime Minister’s Office.
Dr Faqir Hussain was law secretary when he was given additional charge of the SC registrar on June 30, 2005, the day Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry took oath as chief justice.
He was appointed registrar on contract in 2009 after his retirement as law secretary.
Dr Hussain was given extension twice by the former chief justice.
Punjab delimitation to be carried out by ECP
ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court has declared that the absence of local government bodies for the past nine years is against the constitution, and vested the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) with the authority to carry out delimitation of constituencies in Punjab.
ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court has declared that the absence of local government bodies for the past nine years is against the constitution, and vested the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) with the authority to carry out delimitation of constituencies in Punjab.
Now the commission will not only hold local government elections in Punjab by Nov 15 but also carry out the delimitation process.
The delimitation of wards done by the provincial government under the Punjab Local Government Act of 2013 had been set aside by the Lahore High Court on Dec 31.
The Sindh High Court had also held illegal on Dec 12 the delimitation of wards in the province.
The ECP challenged both the judgments in the Supreme Court, whereas the Sindh government, Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), Sindh United Front and PML-F also filed appeals against the SHC verdict.
The apex court issued its decision about Punjab on Wednesday, while the SHC has yet to release a detailed judgment stating reasons for setting aside the delimitation in Sindh and the ruling on the petitions pertaining to the matter had been reserved on March 3.
Balochistan held the local government elections on Dec 7, while the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government has been ordered by the Supreme Court to complete arrangements within a month for holding the polls.
But an ECP officer said the order authorising the ECP to carry out delimitation in Punjab might also affect the process in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
Since the provincial laws governing the delimitation of wards would become meaningless after authorising the commission to do the job, the authorities in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa would wait for legislation by parliament to make the ECP more powerful, he said.
In reply to a question, the official said the commission did have the expertise required to carry out delimitation.
The verdict, authored by Chief Justice Tassaduq Hussain Jillani, ordered the ECP to ensure that the announcement of schedule and the process of holding the elections was complete by Nov 15.
Describing the delay of over nine years in holding the local government elections as a violation of the constitution, the court asked the federal and Punjab governments to carry out legislation to empower the ECP to initiate and carry out delimitation of constituencies for elections at the lowest tier.This exercise should be completed within five months, after which the ECP will take measures to carry out delimitation of constituencies expeditiously, so as to complete the same within 45 days after amendments to laws.
The court held Sections 8 to 10 of the Punjab Local Government Act, 2013 and the rules that allowed the provincial government to carry out the delimitation for the local governments as ultra vires of the constitution.
It said the delimitation of constituencies of local governments was part of the process of organising and holding elections honestly, justly and fairly, which was the constitutional mandate of the ECP. Therefore, the power to carry out delimitation should vest with the commission.
SC gives centre, KP 24 hours to act on its orders
ISLAMABAD: The patience of the Supreme Court over non-production of missing person Yasin Shah finally snapped on Tuesday and it started dictating orders for issuing notices to the prime minister and the governor and chief minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
ISLAMABAD: The patience of the Supreme Court over non-production of missing person Yasin Shah finally snapped on Tuesday and it started dictating orders for issuing notices to the prime minister and the governor and chief minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
But at the request of the attorney general, a three-judge bench gave the two governments another 24 hours to act on its previous orders in the missing persons’ case.
The court had taken up the case of Yasin Shah on an application of his elder brother Muhabbat Shah.
On Dec 10, the court held that the army authorities were responsible for removing 35 internees from the Malakand internment centre. But only 12 of them were produced before the court.
The defence ministry has already moved a petition seeking review of the Dec 10 verdict. On Jan 18, the ministry pleaded that holding the army responsible for enforced disappearances would demoralise the troops engaged in combating terrorism in Swat and Malakand.
The petition also requested the court to expunge all findings, remarks and observations made against the army and its intelligence agencies in the verdict.
The court had directed the prime minister’s secretary Javed Aslam to bring to the notice of the premier non-compliance of its orders for production of the remaining missing persons. It had ordered KP Chief Secretary Mohammad Shahzad Arbab to inform the chief minister about the matter.
On Tuesday, Attorney General Salman Aslam Butt informed the court that the federal government had appointed retied Justice Mian Muhammad Ajmal as a one-man commission after retied Justice Sardar Muhammad Raza Khan had declined to head it.
The commission will ascertain the whereabouts of unaccounted for persons from a list of 35 missing men, determine whether any person was detained or removed illegally and, if so, will identify the people responsible for any illegal detention or removal. It will make recommendations to the government for taking action in the light of its findings.
“The development is a mockery of the court’s orders. This has become an endless game,” the court regretted.
Sensing the mood of the court and to save the situation for the two chief executives, the attorney general requested the bench to give another four to five days so that concrete progress could be shown.
“Progress means production of Yasin Shah,” Justice Khawaja said. “We have to stand in the shoes of Muhabbat Shah whose brother was picked up.”
“I humbly request for little more time,” the attorney general said.
But the court reminded him that Tuesday was the 34th hearing and nothing concrete had come. “Get instructions from the government as we have reached the end of the tunnel,” Justice Khawaja asked the attorney general.
A game was being played with courts by the government, the judge regretted.
The court asked the attorney general to come prepared on Wednesday morning and show some progress on the matter.
At the outset, the attorney general informed the court that a fund with seed money of one million rupees had been set up exclusively for assisting needy complainants whose near and dear ones had gone missing but they were pursuing cases and appearing regularly before the court.
Bahrain king to visit JSHQ today
ISLAMABAD: King Hamad bin Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa will make an unprecedented visit on Wednesday to the Joint Services Headquarters (JSHQ) in Rawalpindi.
ISLAMABAD: King Hamad bin Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa will make an unprecedented visit on Wednesday to the Joint Services Headquarters (JSHQ) in Rawalpindi.
The king arrived on Tuesday on a three-day visit, leading a 21-member delegation which includes his top defence and internal security chiefs.
Pakistan has been looking at the visit as an opportunity for expanding trade and promoting investment links but Bahrain appears more interested in bolstering defence relationship.
A Bahraini official, meanwhile, said that in his talks with Pakistani leaders the king would touch upon current “regional and international developments as well as issues of mutual interest”.
It is routine for Pakistani services chiefs to pay courtesy calls on foreign heads of state and government while visiting Islamabad, but a trip by a foreign leader to the JSHQ is exceptional. At the JSHQ, King Hamad will meet the three services chiefs.
A source said that the king would discuss reinforcement of defence cooperation between the two countries.
Moreover, Pakistan had previously aided Bahrain in setting up its naval forces and 18 per cent of the Gulf state’s air force comprises Pakistani personnel. It is estimated that over 10,000 Pakistanis are serving in security services of Bahrain.
The Bahrain government had in the past expressed interest in procuring defence equipment from Pakistan.
The king began his visit by meeting Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif at the Prime Minister’s House.
He said Pakistan and Bahrain enjoy “close and cordial relations based on mutual trust and understanding”.
Aziz vows balance in S. Arabia, Iran ties
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan is striving to strike a proper balance in its relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran.
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan is striving to strike a proper balance in its relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran.
This was stated by Foreign Affairs and National Security Adviser Sartaj Aziz in an in-camera briefing to Senate Foreign Affairs Committee. He had been invited by the committee to brief its members on the visit of Saudi Crown Prince Salman bin Abdel Aziz to Pakistan last month.
Briefing journalists after the meeting, Committee’s Chairman Haji Adeel said the senators had been informed that Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif would visit Tehran in a few weeks.
(A source from Tehran separately said Mr Sharif could be visiting Iran some time in May.)
Mr Aziz admitted that maintaining the balance in the two important relationships was tricky.
Prime Minister Sharif’s move to get an economic bailout from Saudi Arabia has complicated the foreign policy effort to keep a balance in relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran. And coincidentally this happens at a time when Riyadh and Tehran, pre-occupied with their bilateral rivalry, have little time and patience for Islamabad.
There are apprehensions in Tehran that Islamabad could have already entered Riyadh’s embrace by accepting the $1.5 billion donation to the Pakistan Development Fund.
The adviser assured the committee that the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline was not dead despite having been put on the backburner because of Tehran’s back-tracking on a $500 million loan pledge for the project.
Mr Aziz said $1.5bn given by Saudi Arabia for stabilising Pakistan’s economy was a “grant” and had no strings attached to it.
The senators questioned him about the quid pro quo for Riyadh’s donation and sought assurances from the government that the policy on Syria would not be changed following the Saudi gesture.
The adviser said that subscribing to the Geneva Process on Syria should not be implied as a demand for President Bashar al-Assad to step down.
He said although there was a proposal for exporting arms to Saudi Arabia, it would be ensured that Pakistan-made arms did not land in Arab conflict zones.
“The government is aware of repercussions of the Syrian crisis for the Muslim world in general and Pakistan in particular,” Mr Aziz was quoted as having told the committee.
The senators expressed the worry that reports of sale of Anza missiles to Saudi Arabia, delay in the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline and the visit of King of Bahrain Shaikh Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa pointed towards an impending shift in foreign policy. (The Bahrain king will arrive on Tuesday.)
When Mushahid Hussain drew Mr Aziz’s attention to the Kunming (China) attack and threat by a Pakistan-based Uighur militant group of carrying out revenge attacks against China, he said the government would address the security concerns of its strategic partner and important neighbour.
The meeting later unanimously adopted a resolution moved by Mr Mushahid Hussain denouncing the Kunming attack and expressing concern over the threat by the Uighur militants from their hideout claimed to be on the Pakistani side of the Afghan border.
US Navy Seals free oil tanker from pirates
WASHINGTON: US Navy Seals have rescued a hijacked oil tanker and freed 21 crew members, including six Pakistanis, Pentagon Press Secretary Navy Rear Admiral John Kirby said on Monday.
WASHINGTON: US Navy Seals have rescued a hijacked oil tanker and freed 21 crew members, including six Pakistanis, Pentagon Press Secretary Navy Rear Admiral John Kirby said on Monday.
“No-one was hurt tonight when US forces, at the request of both the Libyan and Cypriot governments, boarded and took control of the commercial tanker “Morning Glory”, Admiral Kirby said in a statement released in Washington.
“Morning Glory” is a stateless vessel seized by three armed Libyans on March 11 near Port of Sidra, and was loaded with 200,000 barrels of oil when hijacked.
The crew included six Pakistanis: Mirza Noman Baig (Captain), Ghufran Marghoob Ahmed (Chief Officer), Syed Muhammad Mehdi Shamsi (2nd Officer), Syed Asif Hassan (3rd Officer), Naik Zada and Muhammad Irshad.
Other crew members included six Indians, three Sri Lankans, two Syrians, two Sudanese and two Eritreans.
The boarding operation, approved by President Barack Obama and conducted just after 10pm on March 16 in international waters southeast of Cyprus, was executed by a team of US Navy SEALs attached to Special Operations Command Europe, Admiral Kirby added.
The SEAL team embarked and operated from the guided missile destroyer USS Roosevelt which provided helicopter support and served as a command and control and support platform for the other members of the force assigned to conduct the mission.
The “Morning Glory” will soon return to a port in Libya with a team of sailors from the USS Stout embarked. The sailors will be supervising the transit.
Dr Malik tries to save crisis-hit coalition
QUETTA: In an effort to defuse a crisis threatening his coalition government, Balochistan Chief Minister Dr Abdul Malik Baloch held a meeting with the PML-N’s parliamentary party leader in the provincial assembly, Sardar Sanaullah Zehri, on Monday and discussed with him grievances of provincial ministers of his party.
QUETTA: In an effort to defuse a crisis threatening his coalition government, Balochistan Chief Minister Dr Abdul Malik Baloch held a meeting with the PML-N’s parliamentary party leader in the provincial assembly, Sardar Sanaullah Zehri, on Monday and discussed with him grievances of provincial ministers of his party.
Sardar Zehri, who is a senior minister in the cabinet, had said on Sunday that PML-N ministers had serious complaints against the government because they were being ignored by the chief minister and not being treated as a coalition partner.
The chief minister drove to the official residence of Sardar Zehri and tried to allay his reservations in the hour-long meeting.
According to PML-N sources, Sardar Zehri told the chief minister that the ministers belonging to his party had handed over their resignation to him in protest against what they perceived as discriminatory treatment meted out to them.
The sources said that Dr Baloch assured Sardar Zahri that he would look into the ministers’ complaints. The issue would be resolved with mutual understanding.
Talking to reporters after the meeting, the chief minister said such issues cropped up in politics but the leadership of the coalition parties was mature enough to resolve them.
“We faced such difficulties in the past as well but overcame them,” the chief minister said.
Answering a question, he said that usually opposition tried to send a government home and coalition partners foiled such attempts.
He said that Balochistan was facing a difficult situation and the government was trying to take the province out of turmoil.
When asked who would become the mayor of Quetta, he said that a decision would be taken by the coalition partners. But, he added, his National Party had supported the Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party in the local bodies’ elections in the city.
TTP wants ‘free peace zone’ for talks
AKORA KHATTAK: The banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan has asked the government to earmark a “free peace zone” where militant leaders could come without any fear for holding peace talks with the government committee.
AKORA KHATTAK: The banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan has asked the government to earmark a “free peace zone” where militant leaders could come without any fear for holding peace talks with the government committee.
Talking to BBC Urdu Service in Akora Khattak on Monday, head of TTP negotiators’ committee Maulana Samiul Haq said FC and other law-enforcement agencies had set up checkposts in many areas, leaving the Taliban unable to move about freely.
He said there would be frequent rounds after formal talks started for which there should be a free peace zone so that dialogue could progress without hindrance.
Maulana Haq said at present the Taliban leadership was underground for fear of arrest.
In reply to a question, he expressed ignorance about the whereabouts of TTP chief Mullah Fazlullah.
Our Peshawar Bureau adds: Professor Mohammad Ibrahim Khan, a member of the Taliban negotiating team, has suggested that a general amnesty and withdrawal of troops from at least two areas of South Waziristan could play an important role in resolving the issue of militancy.
“The issues of withdrawal of army from Makeen and Ladha areas of South Waziristan and a general amnesty for militants will come under discussion during a meeting between the government negotiating committee and leaders of the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan’s Shura,” he told members of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa cabinet belonging to the Jamaat-i-Islami on Monday.
In a press release issued after the meeting, JI information secretary Advocate Israrullah quoted Prof Ibrahim as saying that the army could pull out troops from Makeen and Ladha if it could not leave the entire area of the Mehsud tribe.
“The Taliban have not laid down any demand or condition for meeting the government committee. These are just proposals,” said Prof Ibrahim, who had held consultations with the Taliban Shura in North Waziristan last week.
The Shura wants to meet the government committee in Makeen or Ladha. Both Baitullah Mehsud and Hakeemullah Mehsud were from Ladha.
The press release said that Professor Ibrahim and Maulana Yousaf Shah had asked the Taliban Shura to release Mohammad Ajmal Khan, Vice Chancellor of Islamia College University, Peshawar, and the Shura did not refuse to release him. Mr Ajmal Khan was kidnapped in September 2010.
Sources said the TTP might release VC Ajmal Khan after meeting the government committee. “He (Ajmal) may be released very soon,” said one source.
Prof Ibrahim said they had also asked the TTP to release Ali Haider Gilani, son of former prime minister Yousuf Raza Gilani, and Shahbaz Taseer, son of Salman Taseer.
He said the Taliban would definitely seek a general amnesty for their people who were either in government custody or on the list of wanted men.
According to the press release, the Taliban committee has handed over a list of 300 women, children and non-combatant elderly people to Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan for their release and may come up with another list.
The TTP claims that these people are in the custody of security forces, but the army has denied it.
According to PPI, Prof Ibrahim said the Taliban and government committees would meet in a day or two. The likely venue will be Miramshah, Bannu Airport or F.R. Bannu, depending on an agreement between the two sides.
The Taliban were not in favour of Miramshah because they did not want to create problems for Hafiz Gul Bahadur.
Rape-suicide case gets touch of mystery
ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court was informed on Monday that a rape victim who had set herself on fire and later died in a hospital in Punjab was neither medically examined nor a DNA test was carried out.
ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court was informed on Monday that a rape victim who had set herself on fire and later died in a hospital in Punjab was neither medically examined nor a DNA test was carried out.
And a report submitted by Punjab IG Khan Baig further deepened the mystery surrounding the incident and raised questions because it was full of twists and turns.
The report submitted to a three-judge bench headed by Chief Justice Tassaduq Hussain Jillani claimed that three sisters of the deceased deposed during a police inquiry that their father Ghulam Farid had got the rape case registered to misappropriate cattle heads given to him by a brother of the accused Nadir Hussain.
According to the report, Nadir who was released on bail on a report submitted by police claimed that he was not present at the crime scene where the girl had been raped.
The Supreme Court took notice of the death of the first-year student on March 14.
Reports suggest that the 18-year-old girl was returning home on Jan 5 on a motorcycle with her brother after getting some medicines in Bet Mir Hazar area. The accused, along with his four accomplices with their faces covered, stopped the girl in ‘Cheena Mulana Forest’ area and allegedly raped her.
On March 14, the victim, along with her mother and other relatives, went to the Bet Mir Hazar police station, about 40km from Muzaffargarh, to protest against a police report which had helped the alleged rapist to obtain bail.
The girl later set herself ablaze outside the police station. She was taken to Nishtar Hospital in Multan where she succumbed to her injuries. She had suffered 80 per cent burns.
On Monday, the apex court observed that the incident reflected that the girl had lost hope of any justice from police because she was not satisfied with the investigation.
The IG’s report conceded that five witnesses had acknowledged whatever the girl had recorded in her complaint about the incident and the statements of her father and brother Rehmatullah corroborated her version.
The accused took the plea that he had been implicated because of an old enmity. In his statement before police, Nadir deposed that his brother Jaffar Hussain had contracted love marriage with a sister of the victim against the wishes of her parents. His brother also gave some cattle heads to the girl’s father who allegedly usurped them.
Consequently, Jaffar filed a petition in the court of Justice of Peace, Jatoi, on Nov 5 last year for registration of a fraud case against Ghulam Farid, saying that he had been implicated in a concocted case because of grudge.
The statement was endorsed by three sisters of the deceased, Zareena Bibi, Zainab Bibi and Raheela Tabassum, who joined the investigation.
Sakeena Bibi, an aunt of the deceased, also claimed that the case was false.
Investigation officer Sub-Inspector Zulfikar Ali declared the accused innocent on the grounds that no marks of resistance were found at the place where the girl had been allegedly raped, though in his report he admitted that he had found three buttons of the girl’s shirt at the place and taken them into possession vide recovery memo of Jan 5. Besides, it was also beyond logic that four accused came on one motorcycle to abduct the girl.
The investigation officer also said that the place of occurrence was situated near a road which was a common thoroughfare. The complainant had a grudge against love marriage of her sister and the petition was still pending before the court of Justice of Peace against her father, he added. Moreover, he said in his report that on the day of the incident accused Nadir was found to be in Jatoi from 11 to 12.30pm which was verified from notables of the area.
According to the IG’s report, four police officers -- SDPO/DSP Sadar Circle Asghar Ali, Bet Mir Hazar police station SHO Shahid Hussain, SI Ghulam Idrees and investigation officer Zulfikar Ali -- have been suspended for misconduct and inefficiency. Besides, a case was registered against them on March 15.
D.G. Khan Regional Police Officer Abdul Qadir Qayyum has been made an officer on special duty whereas District Police Officer Usman Akram Gondal has been transferred. An inquiry committee has also been constituted under Additional Inspector General Khaliq Dad Lak.
But the court directed that two more senior officers be included in the committee and the inquiry be completed in 10 days.
MFN status on Friday likely
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan is likely to grant the Most-Favoured Nation status to India on Friday.
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan is likely to grant the Most-Favoured Nation status to India on Friday.
According to a well-placed source in the commerce ministry, a decision is expected at a special cabinet meeting, to be presided over by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.
India will have to reciprocate by reducing its list of sensitive products to 100 items immediately after the announcement of the decision. Pakistan is required to do so within five years.
One of TTP’s main demands rejected
ISLAMABAD / LAHORE: Defence Minister Khawaja Asif has rejected a major demand of the Taliban — release of non-combatants, particularly women and children.
ISLAMABAD / LAHORE: Defence Minister Khawaja Asif has rejected a major demand of the Taliban — release of non-combatants, particularly women and children.
Leaders of the banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) are reported to have handed over to their committee headed by Maulana Samiul Haq a list of more than 60 such people who they say are in the custody of the armed forces.
The defence minister said in a statement issued here on Sunday that there were no women and children in the custody of security forces.
He said the federal authorities would investigate if Taliban provided concrete evidence about women and children being held by the forces. The statement was issued after Prof Ibrahim, a member of the TTP committee, said they had demanded that the government should show its goodwill by releasing the women and children.
In Lahore, meanwhile, Information Minister Pervaiz Rashid hinted at a plan of action against groups of Taliban opposed to peace process.
Referring to the gains made so far by the government, he said those engaged in the talks had disowned the splinter groups carrying out terrorist activities despite a ceasefire announced by the TTP and condemned recent incidents of terrorism.
Otherwise, he said, the TTP had been owning such attacks in the past and gloating about their success.
“The time to take on (militant) groups opposed to talks is not far. Let the dialogue with Taliban be completed,” he said.
Asked if the government planned to introduce changes in school syllabus to do away with material which fanned extremism, he said the government alone could not change social behaviours and civil society would have to join hands with the government in this regard.
APP adds: The minister said there was no “super committee” comprising the prime minister, the interior minister and an adviser to the prime minister for supervising talks with Taliban as reported by a section of the media.
He said Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan was the focal person for the dialogue process. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif is regularly briefed on the progress and the briefings are also attended by the defence minister.
Mr Rashid said he had directed the press information department to pay advertisement bills within 30 days of their verification by advertising agencies. Delay in payment of bills has been caused by non-verification of the bills by advertising agencies and court rulings in certain cases.
About non-payment of salaries and unlawful sacking of media personnel, he said such grievances could be redressed through forums like courts and journalists’ organisations.
Tense calm in Larkana after ‘desecration’ and violence
LARKANA: A tense calm prevailed in Larkana and suburbs on Sunday after a mob set on fire a Dharamshala and damaged some statues of Hindu deities in an adjacent temple on Saturday night in protest against alleged desecration of Holy Quran.
LARKANA: A tense calm prevailed in Larkana and suburbs on Sunday after a mob set on fire a Dharamshala and damaged some statues of Hindu deities in an adjacent temple on Saturday night in protest against alleged desecration of Holy Quran.
The protesters took to streets after a Hindu youth from New Leelaabad had allegedly desecrated pages of Quran. The allegation is yet to be verified from witnesses and other independent sources. A police team headed by ASP Larkana has been constituted to investigate the incident.
Sindh Information Minister Sharjeel Memon said in a statement that the person accused of being involved in desecration incident had been arrested and action would be taken against him in accordance with the law.
The unruly mob attacked the Dharamshala and burnt its furniture and other articles. The protesters later damaged about 11 statues in the temple.
Dr Dharampal, vice-chairman of the District Hindu Panchayat, told Dawn that some of the marble statues had been brought from India. The painful incident had taken place on the day when Hindus were celebrating the Holi festival, he regretted.
Shewak Ram, in-charge of Dharamshala, said the attackers had broken open the main door of Dharamshala with heavy iron rod and set ablaze its rooms and material kept there and lodgings for visiting Hindu families.
The mob also ransacked a kiosk at the main gate of Dharamshala.
Larkana Deputy Commissioner Ghanwar Khan Leghari told Dawn that every possible step had been taken to protect life and property of Hindus in the district. Police and Rangers personnel have been deployed for the purpose.
PPP patron-in-chief Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari called the deputy commissioner twice and asked him to use all available resources to curb riots and restore peace.
Business activities in the district came to a complete halt. Groups of people held demonstrations to condemn the incident. Activists of Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz, lead by its leader Mumtaz Shaikh, took out a peace rally.
Addressing a joint press conference at the Circuit House, Larkana Commissioner Dr Saeed Ahmed Mangnejo, DIG Khadim Hussain Rind and Deputy Commissioner Ghanwar Khan Leghari claimed that the issue had been amicably resolved after long deliberations between religious leaders and members of the Panchayat.
Abdul Ghaffar Mitha Khan, a representative of Ulema, condemned the burning of Dharamshala and damaging of statues and termed it a conspiracy to disturb peace in the district. He extended Holy greetings to the Hindu community and appealed to traders to open their businesses.
Dr Dharampal, vice-chairman of the Hindu Panchayat, said the people who attacked the temple and the individual allegedly involved in desecrating pages of Holy Quran should be dealt with in accordance with the law. He called for an impartial investigation into the incident which he said was aimed at creating a gulf between Muslims and Hindus who were living in the city peacefully.
MNAs Ayaz Soomro and Ramesh Lal, the commissioner, deputy commissioner, DIG and SSP praised the positive role played by religious leaders and Panchayat members and the media in resolving the issue.
They assured the Ulema and Hindu leaders that the investigation would be transparent and anyone found guilty would be brought to book.
They later visited the Dharamshala. Panchayat office-bearers Kalpina Devi, Dr Dharampal and others thanked the district and divisional administrations for their timely intervention and efforts made by them to prevent the situation from worsening.
The DIG informed them that two men allegedly involved in the incident had been arrested.
MNA Faryal Talpur assured the Panchayat that damaged Dharamshala would be repaired and losses would be compensated.
Deputy Commissioner Ghanwar Leghari said in a press release issued on Sunday that at about 10pm on Saturday rumours were spread in Murad Wahan, Larkana, against a Hindu boy and some people of New Leelaabad. Groups of people gathered near the Dharamshala.
District administration officials, police and Rangers rushed to the area to bring the situation under control. Fire brigade personnel extinguished the fire and the mob was dispersed. Police and Rangers were deployed at all sensitive places.
Information Minister Sharjeel Memon said that no conspiracy to pit Muslims against minorities would be allowed to succeed. He said the places of worship of minorities would be protected, losses suffered by them would be compensated and the temple would be rebuilt by the Sindh government.
He said the Constitution gave equal rights to minorities. Delinquent elements will be taken to task in accordance with the law.
Dr Lal Chand Ukrani, president of PPP Sindh minorities wing, condemned the burning of the temple and termed it a conspiracy to incite religious animosity. It was an attempt to harass the Hindu community, he said, adding that punishing the entire community for the sin of an individual was regrettable. He appealed to the Hindus to remain peaceful and foil the conspiracy.
Our Correspondent from Sukkur adds: Strict security arrangements have made in Jacobabad. Security personnel have been deployed outside the residences of Hindus and their places of worship in the city.
Gas consumers to pay for leakage, theft
ISLAMABAD: The government is planning to allow gas companies to recover greater amounts from consumers on account of gas lost due to theft and leakages, effectively bailing them out, according to sources.
ISLAMABAD: The government is planning to allow gas companies to recover greater amounts from consumers on account of gas lost due to theft and leakages, effectively bailing them out, according to sources.
A government official said that Petroleum Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi would soon chair a meeting of top officials of the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (Ogra) and the gas companies to finalise recommendations for increase in the limit for unaccounted for gas (UFG), to ensure higher revenues for the Sui Southern Gas Company Ltd (SSGCL) and Sui Northern Gas Pipelines Ltd (SNGPL).
This is being seen by many as recognition by both the government and the regulator of the utilities’ inability to control gas losses and to legitimise a change in performance standards. Such a change in standards when made by former Ogra chairman Tauqir Sadiq landed him in legal trouble.
This is for the first time that the regulator itself has sought intervention of the government to fix benchmarks, a responsibility Ogra has been exercising since its inception in the late 1990s. More importantly, a government officer pleading the case on behalf of the gas companies has now asked the government to take a policy decision.
About a month ago, Ogra requested the government to issue policy guidelines pertaining to thieves and pilferers and the gas lost in areas adversely affected by law and order problems.
An official said that Ogra had urged the government to increase UFG benchmark by around 3 per cent besides an allowance of about 1.5 per cent on account of gas lost in law and order-hit areas.
Dr Afridi’s jail term reduced by 10 years
PESHAWAR: A tribal area authority on Saturday upheld the conviction of Dr Shakil Afridi, the doctor accused of having colluded with the American CIA in the hunt for Osama bin Laden, but reduced the sentence awarded to him by an assistant political agent (APA) from 33 years to 23 years imprisonment.
PESHAWAR: A tribal area authority on Saturday upheld the conviction of Dr Shakil Afridi, the doctor accused of having colluded with the American CIA in the hunt for Osama bin Laden, but reduced the sentence awarded to him by an assistant political agent (APA) from 33 years to 23 years imprisonment.
The APA had found Dr Afridi guilty of involvement in anti-state activities by supporting the Lashkar-i-Islam, an outlawed outfit based in Bara tehsil of Khyber Agency, in 2012.
The 10-year reduction in the sentence was decreed by Munir Azam, the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) Commissioner, on grounds that the trial court was not empowered to convict the appellant under section 123-A of the Pakistan Penal Code (condemnation of creation of the state and advocating abolition of its sovereignty) as it was not included in the FCR’s Second Schedule.
Under that section, the APA had sentenced Dr Afridi to 10 years imprisonment and a fine of Rs100,000.
The commissioner had reserved the verdict on Feb 15 after completion of arguments by both sides.
The case has taken several twists and turns. Dr Afridi, a former agency surgeon, was picked up in May 2011 on suspicion of helping the American CIA trace Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden by carrying out an allegedly fake vaccination campaign in Abbottabad. But he was not convicted on that charge. The APA/additional district magistrate convicted him on May 23, 2012, on charges of getting involved in anti-state activities by supporting the Bara-based Lashkar-i-Islam.
He was sentenced on different counts to a total of 33 years imprisonment and a fine of Rs320,000.
Dr Afridi was sentenced to 10 years imprisonment each under sections 121-A (conspiracy to wage war against country or depriving Pakistan of its sovereignty), section 123 (concealing existence of a plan to wage war against Pakistan), and 123-A (condemnation of the creation of the state and advocacy of abolition of its sovereignty) of PPC.
He was sentenced to an additional three years under section 124 (assaulting the President, Governor, etc, with intention to compel or restrain the exercise of any lawful power) of PPC.
The assistant political agent had said the prison terms would run consecutively, meaning that Dr Afridi had to spend 33 years in prison. He had also ordered that benefit of section 382-B of the Code of Criminal Procedure should be extended to Dr Afridi and his prison term be counted from the day when he was taken into custody in May 2011.
The then commissioner of FCR, Sahibzada Anees, who is the appellate forum under the regulation, partially allowed an appeal of Dr Afridi on Aug 29 last year and set aside his conviction by the APA, remanding the case back to the Khyber Agency’s political agent.
However, the commissioner’s order did not specify whether the political agent would conduct a fresh trial or only hear fresh arguments.
A petition was filed against the order with the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata) Tribunal, the third and final judicial forum under the FCR, on behalf of Dr Afridi by his brother Jamil Afridi. He sought clarity in the order of the commissioner.
On Dec 18 the three-member tribunal referred the case back to the commissioner with a directive to pronounce a clear order.
Advocates Samiullah Afridi and Qamar Nadeem Afridi appeared for Shakil Afridi.
Samiullah Afridi told Dawn that he would challenge Saturday’s verdict before the Fata Tribunal, contending that the commissioner had not followed the directives of the tribunal.
“We did not challenge the entire order of the commissioner. Instead, we only sought clarity whether the PA should conduct re-trial or only hold arguments.
“But instead of clarifying that point, the commissioner has now restored with slight modification the conviction of Dr Afridi, which was set aside by the previous commissioner,” the lawyer observed.
Mystery of missing jet deepens
KUALA LUMPUR: Malaysia has appealed for help and international coordination in a search for its missing passenger jet that stretches across two corridors from the Caspian Sea to the southern Indian Ocean, diplomats said on Sunday.
KUALA LUMPUR: Malaysia has appealed for help and international coordination in a search for its missing passenger jet that stretches across two corridors from the Caspian Sea to the southern Indian Ocean, diplomats said on Sunday.
The northernmost of these stretches runs north through Thailand and China and bends towards Central Asia, over some of the world’s most strongly guarded defences.
Malaysian officials briefed envoys from 22 countries on the progress of the investigation after calling off a search in the South China Sea for the jet that vanished from radar screens more than a week ago, with 239 people on board.
“The meeting was for us to know exactly what is happening and what sort of help they need. It is more for them to tell us, ‘please put in all your resources’,” T.S. Tirumurti, India’s high commissioner to Malaysia, said.
The diplomatic initiative could become significant as nations ponder whether to share any military data on the Boeing 777’s fate, and fills a void left by the failure of Southeast Asian nations to work as a bloc on the crisis, a diplomat said.
“There are clearly limits to military data,” the diplomat said, adding that nations were nonetheless aware of the strong public interest in cooperation on a civilian issue.
He declined to say whether Kuala Lumpur had asked others to open up their military radar tracks, but told a news conference that it had asked for both primary and secondary radar data.
Experts say military forces mainly use primary or classic radar, which works by listening for its own echo bouncing back off a potentially unfriendly object.
Civil air traffic control mostly uses secondary radar, which relies on hearing a signal sent back from the aircraft’s transponder along with data designed to identify the plane.
Defence analysts said on Saturday that the jet’s disappearance raised awkward questions about the strength of regional or even global air defences.
Meanwhile, Pakistan’s top aviation official has dismissed Western media reports that the missing airliner might be hidden somewhere in the country.
“It’s wrong, the plane never came towards Pakistan,” Special Assistant to the Prime Minister on Aviation Shujaat Azeem said.
He said the plane disappeared far away from Pakistani airspace and was not visible on its radars. However, he said his division was on alert and following all the developments related to the incident.—Agencies
Billions lost in bogus sales tax refunds
ISLAMABAD: In connivance with tax officials, bogus companies owned by influential fraudsters have received more than Rs9 billion in sales tax refunds against bogus documents in the current fiscal year.
ISLAMABAD: In connivance with tax officials, bogus companies owned by influential fraudsters have received more than Rs9 billion in sales tax refunds against bogus documents in the current fiscal year.
These fraudsters are facilitated by tax officials who tamper with sales tax records.
Although the Federal Board of Revenue (FBR) intelligence has identified one of the men in the refund mafia who allegedly secured billions in fraudulent refunds, it is hesitant to take him on because of his political clout.
So difficult is the task that intelligence personnel were taken hostage by staffers of the Regional Tax Office (RTO) in Karachi when they went there in pursuit of the wanted man.
But for the chairman of the FBR, Tariq Bajwa, this is a routine matter. “I receive several letters every day and it is not possible to remember all the cases,” he remarked. However, he knew about the case because Mr Bajwa said that one of the inspectors of the Inland Revenue Service had already been suspended.
“We are investigating the issue,” he said.
The FBR has already lowered its annual revenue collection target to Rs2,345bn from the budgetary target of Rs2,475bn, a straight shortfall of Rs130bn. However, FBR officials believe there will be further shortfalls of Rs45bn.
A well-placed source in the Karachi RTO told Dawn that the main suspect in the scam had been identified but he could not be arrested because of his political connections. The FBR chairman said he did not believe in such associations, but he ignored the fact that three months had lapsed but the man had not been arrested.
Tax officials concede that the settlement of refund claims against fake invoices has been rampant for many years. Some estimates project losses as high as Rs20bn a month on this count incurred by the government.
Official documents available with Dawn show that a comprehensive investigation report was submitted to the FBR in 2009, which established the involvement of the suspended inspector in fake refund claims. The probe into the fraud was conducted by a former member of the taxpayers’ audit, the late Hafiz Muhammad Hafiz. The same inspector, who was suspended on Nov 5 last year, was found involved in the issuance of bogus refunds in the earlier report.
Instead of the FBR initiating disciplinary action against the officer, it has initiated a fresh inquiry to prolong the issue. The report of the earlier committee is already rusting on the racks.
It is not understandable why, in the wake of such a comprehensive report, no concrete measures have been taken to prevent the identified person from causing further dents to the national exchequer.
Conversely, on Dec 17 last year, the Inland Revenue intelligence deputed a team comprising four officials to arrest one of the main identified persons with respect to bogus refunds/cheques unearthed in FIR ST/AD-A/2013, which was lodged on Sept 2, 2013.
The investigating team was assaulted and abused by more than a dozen tax officials of the RTO, Karachi, to prevent it from entering the premises to arrest the accused, who was reportedly present there at the time. The document further reveals that the intelligence officials were locked up in the premises of the RTO and their release could only be secured after police assistance was sought.
Six officials involved in the attack were identified and their names were sent to the FBR but it has yet to take action against them.
The intelligence directorate has sent several letters to the FBR for taking action against the accused, but the board has yet to do this.
How it’s done is quite simple. Bogus companies, which exist only on paper, issue fake invoices. They then claim a refund from the sales tax department on raw material that was never purchased. Flying invoices are used by registered taxpayers for claiming refunds.
The only option the FBR has tried so far is the installation of various computer programs in the tax system for tracing and thwarting the illegal payment of refunds. These were successfully circumvented by the unscrupulous people involved in the scam.The claims for refund were made in connivance with tax officials who charged 40 per cent to 50pc of the value of the refunds in Karachi, a tax official told Dawn.
Another senior official, who also requested remaining named, said one of the reasons behind the illegal refunds was the expeditious electronic clearance of refund claims. The current system for the clearance of sales tax refunds does not have any inbuilt mechanism to determine whether the applicant is a genuine taxpayer.
There are two areas where fake invoices are issued and for claiming undue refunds. Some fraudsters operating in the zero-rating sector (no duty, no refunds) claim refunds on raw material used in export proceeds on paper only. In most of the cases, tax officials have not fixed a ratio between input (raw material) and output (finished products), which also provides a sufficient cushion to taxpayers for claiming undue refunds.
As a result, the consumption of raw material used in the same product by different taxpayers varies, which shows that some of the taxpayers are drawing undue refunds from the tax department. Tax officials believe that the only option the government has is for parliament to enact a law seeking the enforcement of value-added tax from retailers to manufacturers.
For the detection of fake invoices, the government would have to revive the audit of taxpayers and fix the input-output ratio which would automatically discourage the practice.
KP health initiative faces transparency issues
PESHAWAR: Serious questions have been raised over the source and spending of a still unspecified amount in the much publicised Sehat Ka Insaf (Health for all) programme in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, according to documents available with Dawn.
PESHAWAR: Serious questions have been raised over the source and spending of a still unspecified amount in the much publicised Sehat Ka Insaf (Health for all) programme in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, according to documents available with Dawn.
No one in the PTI-led provincial government appears to have a clue about the source and utilisation of funds in health initiative.
Sehat Ka Insaf was launched last month with fanfare, billboards in Peshawar and a massive media campaign.
But it soon courted controversy and ANP MPA Sardar Hussain Babak posted a question in the provincial assembly, demanding its details.
Background interviews with officials in the health, finance and information departments drew a blank about the identity of the donors, amount of funds and spending mechanism.Senior Finance Minister Sirajul Haq, belonging to PTI’s coalition partner Jamaat-i-Islami, sent a letter to Health Minister Shaukat Yousafzai this week, seeking details about the programme.
In the letter, a copy of which is available with Dawn, Mr Haq sought details about the source of funding, transfer mechanism and total allocation for the campaign.
He also wanted to know about the major components of the campaign, its activities and timelines, implementing partners and their roles, expenditure break-up and details of the advertisement campaign.
While Mr Haq declined to comment and Mr Yousafzai was not available to give his viewpoint, officials said the massive publicity campaign was being run from Islamabad through a Lahore-based advertising agency.
Phone calls to the advertising agency, at its head office in Lahore, didn’t go through. The company’s senior executive said he would return with details about the campaign.
Who short-listed the company, what criteria were used and whose accounts were being used to pay for the campaign is not known.
“Where is the money coming from, to whose accounts it is going and who is authorising the spending and making payments? We have no clue,” an official said.
But one official said the Rs240 million publicity campaign was being supervised by a close associate of PTI chief Imran Khan. “We have nothing to do with the campaign other than providing logistic support for the vaccination programme.”
An official said the funding was coming from Unicef, but he did not know who had ordered the campaign, which accounts were being used to funnel the amount and whether or not any mechanism had been adopted to short-list the companies involved.
Primary healthcare initiative
Concern has also been shown by some official quarters over attempts by “a powerful lobby within the party” to get the contract of a $16m multi-donor trust fund for revitalisation of basic health units, rural health centres and Tehsil headquarters in six districts.
So much so, that, according to credible sources, the issue may lead to the exit of the health minister.
The sources said that Mr Yousafzai, who had reportedly refused to succumb to pressure, had been summoned twice to Islamabad by the party leadership in the recent past and informed about the decision.
“He was summoned and asked to consider giving out the contract. He flatly refused. Chances are he may either be sacked or given another portfolio in a cabinet reshuffle in the next few days,” a senior PTI leader said.
The sources said the lobby wanted the World Bank-funded programme in Lower Dir, Buner, Battagram, Dera Ismail Khan, Tor Ghar and Kohistan to be given to the Peoples Primary Healthcare Initiative without going through the bidding process.
The PPHI -- a brainchild of Jahangir Khan Tareen, now PTI’s secretary general, based on his primary healthcare system in Rahimyar Khan -- was launched in 2005.
The programme, which was launched throughout the country to strengthen basic healthcare, includes 573 BHUs in 17 districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa under the umbrella of the Sarhad Rural Support Programme.
The sources said that one of the principal supporters of the PPHI wanted the minister to award it the contract.
They said the PPHI had initially participated in the bidding process but later withdrawn, but the contention is disputed by the PPHI. The health department, the sources said, wanted to contract out the initiative through open bidding. They point the finger at Mr Tareen. Mr Tareen, however, denied the accusation. He said that he had no link with the PPHI since 2008. He also denied having exerted pressure to support the PPHI. “This is absolutely wrong. I have nothing to do with PPHI now,” he said.
He said his basic objection was over wastage of resources. “What the health department has proposed amounts to wastage of resources. Rs1.5 billion is a lot of money out of which Rs1.05bn has been proposed to be spent on raise in salaries, purchase of cars, workshops and consultancies. Only Rs95m has been set aside for infrastructure.”
“This is against PTI’s ideology of providing good healthcare to people at their doorsteps. Some vested interests are involved to spread lies,” he said.
‘Taliban seek release of children and women’
PESHAWAR: A member of the committee instituted by the banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan for talks with the government has said that the TTP Shura has handed a list of people whom it wanted the government to release from its custody.
PESHAWAR: A member of the committee instituted by the banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan for talks with the government has said that the TTP Shura has handed a list of people whom it wanted the government to release from its custody.
Addressing a press conference here on Sunday, Professor Mohammad Ibrahim Khan said the list included women, children and elderly people.
Prof Ibrahim told newsmen the Shura demanded release of women, children and elderly prisoners. “It can help build confidence between the government and the Taliban,” he said.
The Inter-Services Public Relations, the mouthpiece of the military, has denied that women and children are in its custody.
He said the TTP had no objection if the army took action against the Ahrarul Hind group which recently had claimed responsibility for terrorist attacks in Islamabad, Peshawar and Quetta.
The group has distanced itself from TTP-government negotiations and condemned the process.
Prof Ibrahim said the Taliban had started an investigation against Ahrarul Hind.
He quoted TTP Shura members as saying that Ahrarul Hind “might be a group of anti-state elements who don’t want peace”.
About opening a Taliban office he said it was too early to do that.
Answering a question, he said the Taliban had confirmed that security forces did not attack the TTP in recent operations.
Prof Ibrahim said that a direct meeting between the government and TTP would be arranged soon.
APP adds: He claimed that the TTP had disowned the recent terrorist acts, saying that they had no knowledge about Ahrarul Hind.
He said the Taliban committee had forwarded the TTP’s recommendations to the government and expressed the hope that the nation would soon get peace.
He said the talks could become fruitful if they were held in North Waziristan.
Footprints: The alien corn
THE thickly bearded and turbaned Afridis were praying for their recently departed brother at the Gurdwara Bhai Joga Singh in Peshawar.
THE thickly bearded and turbaned Afridis were praying for their recently departed brother at the Gurdwara Bhai Joga Singh in Peshawar.
Their brother, Babajee Pramjeet Singh, was killed by hit men in Charsadda — the second Sikh hakim to be shot dead in two months.
Hakim Pramjeet Singh, an Afridi from Khyber, belonged to a family of hakims.
His father moved to Peshawar city in 1992.
Most of the roughly 6,000 Sikhs in Peshawar city live around the Gurdwara Bhai Joga Singh, Mohalla Jogan Shah, Dabgari Peshawar, where the community even runs a religious school.
“For us this [the killing of Pramjeet] is strange — it is generally said that Sikhs and Pathans are almost the same,” said Hakim Narender Singh, elder brother of the deceased hakim.
“Then who is killing us?”
His words ring true as one moves around Mohalla Dabgiri.
One cannot tell apart the Sikh woman from the others — till she climbs the steps into the Gurdwara.
Similarly, only the attire sets apart the Sikh boys from their Muslim counterparts as they run through the narrow lanes of the neighbourhood. Aside from the turban, they look the same — fair-skinned, clad in shalwar kameez, shouting at one another in Pushto.
The children simply reflect the relations between the Sikhs and the Pathans in the mohalla — so integrated are the two communities that the latter attend the ‘langar’ (community feast) at the Gurdwara.
It was this community that the father of the deceased hakim decided to live among when he moved to Peshawar. And Pramjeet also continued to live here though he commuted to Charsadda daily for work.
And here, too, he was welcomed.
The local residents of Shabqadar Bazaar, Charsadda, still have not come to terms with his death. They explain that Pramjeet and his assistant were shot dead while they were in the clinic.
“The sight of the closed dawakhana pains me. Baba jee treated us for 14 years — they took our hakim but we cannot even speak against the killers,” said a grief-stricken shopkeeper.
Most of the others in the bazaar also refuse to identify the killers or even hint at their identity.
But the manner in which both the killings were carried out are similar. In fact, some go so far as to argue that only targeted killings are carried out this way.
The two men came on a motorcycle. One of them went inside the clinic to carry out the killings and the second one rushed in, only to help when needed.
The other Sikh hakim, Bhagwan Singh, who was shot dead on Jan 24, was also killed by two men who came on motorcycles. They were waiting for him as he came out of his clinic in Tangi area in Charsadda district.
“I do not know who the killers are but finding them is the responsibility of the police and the administration,” said Dr Jitendar Singh, who runs a small clinic and a medical store in Yakatoot area in Peshawar.
His resentment and fear is palpable as well as understandable.
Consider the recent attacks on minorities in Peshawar: a gruesome attack on a church, two Sikh hakims killed, and sectarian killings are reported to be on the rise.
Recently, a businessman from the Bohra community was also shot dead outside his factory in Peshawar.
For the Sikhs as well as other minorities, 2010 was the proverbial annus horribilis when militants told them to either convert to Islam or pay jizya or leave Orakzai and Khyber agencies.
This led to the migration of Sikhs and Hindus to Peshawar, while some even moved to Sindh and Punjab.
“We have been confined to a city in KP and our ancestral land is now a no-go area,” said Sangtok Singh, a student of computer sciences, Peshawar University.
But now some of them are wondering if even Peshawar will have to be left behind.
Khushwant Singh dies at 99
NEW DELHI: Khushwant Singh died here on Thursday, shutting the doors on generations of Pakistanis to the happy hours he would find himself celebrating in their company at his landmark home in Delhi — as an iconic wit, writer, raconteur, Urdu buff and a man who always wished their country well. He was 99.
NEW DELHI: Khushwant Singh died here on Thursday, shutting the doors on generations of Pakistanis to the happy hours he would find himself celebrating in their company at his landmark home in Delhi — as an iconic wit, writer, raconteur, Urdu buff and a man who always wished their country well. He was 99.
As a self-declared agnostic born to Sikh parents, Singh left an epitaph for the way future generations should see him: “Here lies one who spared neither man nor God/ Waste not your tears on him, he was a sod/ Writing nasty things he regarded as great fun/ Thank the Lord he is dead, this son of a gun.”
Unstoppable even at 95, he wrote the novel ‘The Sunset Club’ about a group of pensioners. Before he stopped writing ‘With Malice to One and All’ two years ago, Singh had used the book as the obituarist of his generation with personal reminiscences about the good, the bad and the ridiculous who were departing this world. These recollections were set among the regular fare of pointed political and social criticism.
He was awarded the Padma Bhushan in 1974 but returned it in 1984, in protest against “Operation Bluestar”, or the storming of the Golden Temple in Amritsar by the Indian Army under then prime minister Indira Gandhi. He had controversially defended Mrs Gandhi’s Emergency of 1975-77, when opposition leaders were jailed or punished saying protest had to be suppressed if it turned violent.
“He liked to call a spade a spade. He hated hypocrisy, fundamentalism, and was a gentle person,” son Rahul Singh told NDTV. “He was fine and passed away peacefully at home on Thursday,” his daughter Mala Singh said. He was cremated at the Lodhi electric crematorium.
Born on February 2, 1915 at Hadali, now in Pakistan, Singh wrote classics like ‘Train to Pakistan’, ‘I Shall Not Hear the Nightingale’ and ‘Delhi’.
He was a lawyer-turned-diplomat-turned-writer. His autobiography, ‘Truth,Love and a Little Malice’, was published by Penguin Books in 2002.
He was editor of several literary and news magazines, including the Illustrated Weekly of India as well as two newspapers, the Hindustan Times and the National Herald, through the 1970s and 1980s.
In real life, Khushwant Singh was nothing like Mario Miranda’s caricature that went with his column, a man whose creature comforts were a bottle of Scotch, a girlie magazine and a pile of books.
He had sided immoderately with Sanjay Gandhi during the Emergency, yet returned his Padma Bhushan in protest against the armed assault on the Golden Temple in 1984, and castigated L.K. Advani for sowing hatred with the Rathyatra.
In 2007, he was awarded with the Padma Vibhushan.
“Widely syndicated, collected in book form and read by hundreds of thousands, the column was perhaps more influential than Singh’s other work.
“He will certainly be remembered for academic and creative writing like a ‘History of the Sikhs’ and ‘Train to Pakistan’ but he loved the reach of media and used jokes to soften up the reader for a dose of subversive commentary,” The Indian Express wrote.
No reason to believe Pakistanis knew of Osama’s presence, says US
WASHINGTON: The United States has said it has no reason to believe that senior Pakistani officials had knowledge about the location of Al Qaeda chief Osama bin Laden, who was killed in a US raid on his Abbottabad compound in May 2011.
WASHINGTON: The United States has said it has no reason to believe that senior Pakistani officials had knowledge about the location of Al Qaeda chief Osama bin Laden, who was killed in a US raid on his Abbottabad compound in May 2011.
“As US officials have said, we have no reason to believe that anyone in the highest levels of the government knew about the location of Bin Laden. That continues to be true,” Laura Lucas Magnuson, a spokesperson for the National Security Council, said.
The reiteration of US position by the White House spokesperson came in response to a question about allegations made in an article published in The New York Times on Wednesday that some senior Pakistani officials knew Osama’s location.
Report about ISI having protected Osama rejected
WASHINGTON / NEW YORK: The claim that the ISI kept and protected Osama bin Laden at his compound in Abbottabad contradicts the official US assessment of the situation, Pakistani diplomats in Washington said on Wednesday.
WASHINGTON / NEW YORK: The claim that the ISI kept and protected Osama bin Laden at his compound in Abbottabad contradicts the official US assessment of the situation, Pakistani diplomats in Washington said on Wednesday.
“Since the episode, senior US officials and leaders have on a number of occasions stated on record that they have seen no intelligence linking the government of Pakistan and any of its agencies with OBL’s presence in Abbottabad,” said a spokesperson for the Pakistan Embassy in Washington.
“To still believe otherwise and to resurrect the issue through unnamed sources and unconfirmed reports does not deserve attention,” the spokesperson added.
Earlier on Wednesday, The New York Times published excerpts from a book by its former Afghanistan correspondent Carlotta Gall, claiming that the former ISI chief, Lt Gen Ahmed Shuja Pasha, knew of Bin Laden’s presence in Abbottabad.
In her upcoming book “The Wrong Enemy: America in Afghanistan, 2001-2014,” Ms Gall also claimed that former president Pervez Musharraf and his top commanders were aware of Al Qaeda’s plan to assassinate Benazir Bhutto and that the ISI did not cooperate with the military in the 2007 operation against the Red Mosque militants.
Pakistani diplomats in Washington pointed out that on Nov 15, 2012, the Commander of US Special Operations forces, Admiral William McRaven, had also vindicated Pakistan.
According to a report published on the Pentagon’s official website on Nov 15, Admiral McRaven shared a “post-raid assessment” of the May 2, 2011, operation against Bin Laden’s compound in Abbottabad with CBS News.The assessment “concluded that there is no evidence that the Pakistani government knew the whereabouts of Osama bin Laden”, the report said.
The report also included Admiral McRaven’s quote, saying: “We have no intelligence that indicates the Pakistanis knew he was there.”Ms Gall, who covered Afghanistan and Pakistan for The New York Times from 2001 to 2013, claimed that the ISI ran a special desk to handle Bin Laden, which “operated independently” and was “led by an officer who made his own decisions and did not report to a superior”.
The officer “handled only one person: Bin Laden”, she wrote.
In a portion that deals with the Red Mosque in Islamabad, Ms Gall reported that the mosque was founded by famed jihadi preacher, Maulana Muhammad Abdullah, who was assassinated in 1998.
“This too is incorrect as the mosque was already there when Maulana Abdullah joined it,” said a diplomatic source.
More than 100 people were killed in a 2007 siege of the mosque, including 10 commandos.
Ms Gall quoted a minister of the Musharraf government as complaining that the ISI asked “the militants to do what they wanted out of sympathy”.
In another portion, the writer claimed that Pakistan’s generals often used the militant for their own purpose, “most notoriously targeting Pakistan’s first female prime minister, Benazir Bhutto”.
According to her, Afghan President Hamid Karzai warned Ms Bhutto that his intelligence service had “learned of a meeting of army commanders – Musharraf and his 10 most-powerful generals – in which they discussed a militant plot to have Bhutto killed”.
Ms Gall claimed that two teenage boys came to the Haqqania madressah in Akora Khattak a day before Ms Bhutto was killed and were escorted to Rawalpindi the next day.
On Dec 27, “one of the two teenagers fired a pistol at her and then detonated his vest of explosives. Bhutto was standing in the roof opening of an armoured SUV. She ducked into the vehicle at the sound of the gunfire, but the explosion threw the SUV forward, slamming the edge of the roof hatch into the back of her head with lethal force. Bhutto slumped down into the vehicle, mortally wounded, and fell into the lap of her confidante and constant chaperone, Naheed Khan”, Ms Gall wrote.
In the NYT report, Ms Gall wrote that the government under General Pervez Musharraf and his intelligence chief Lt Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani was maintaining and protecting the Taliban, both to control the many groups of militants now lodged in the country and to use them as a proxy force to gain leverage over and eventually dominate Afghanistan, the New York Times said in a report on Wednesday.
“The dynamic has played out in ways that can be hard to grasp from the outside, but the strategy that has evolved in Pakistan has been to make a show of cooperation with the American fight against terrorism while covertly abetting and even coordinating Taliban, Kashmiri and foreign Qaeda-linked militants. The linchpin in this two-pronged and at times apparently oppositional strategy is the ISI. It’s through that agency that Pakistan’s true relationship to militant extremism can be discerned – a fact that the United States was slow to appreciate, and later refused to face directly, for fear of setting off a greater confrontation with a powerful Muslim nation.”
She said that soon after the US Navy SEAL raid on Bin Laden’s house “a Pakistani official told me the US had direct evidence that the ISI chief, Lt Gen Ahmed Shuja Pasha, knew of Bin Laden’s presence in Abbottabad”.
“The information came from a senior US official, and I guessed that the Americans had intercepted a phone call of Pasha’s or one about him in the days after the raid”, Ms Gall wrote in the article.
The haul of handwritten notes, letters, computer files and other information collected from Bin Laden’s house during the raid revealed regular correspondence “between Bin Laden and a string of militant leaders who must have known he was living in Pakistan, including Hafiz Muhammad Saeed... Saeed and Omar are two of the ISI’s most important and loyal militant leaders. Both are protected by the agency. Both cooperate closely with it, restraining their followers from attacking the Pakistani state and coordinating with Pakistan’s greater strategic plans. Any correspondence the two men had with Bin Laden would probably have been known to their ISI handlers,” the article said.
Army denies having information about Osama
ISLAMABAD: The army again denied on Wednesday that anyone in its set-up had information about Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden’s stay in Pakistan till he was eliminated in a US raid.
ISLAMABAD: The army again denied on Wednesday that anyone in its set-up had information about Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden’s stay in Pakistan till he was eliminated in a US raid.
“Nobody in Pakistan knew about the presence of Osama bin Laden,” said a text message sent out by the ISPR to correspondents on behalf of the ISI. The statement said the New York Times story, which claimed that the United States had direct evidence about former ISI chief Lt Gen Ahmed Shuja Pasha having knowledge about Bin Laden’s presence in Abbottabad, was baseless.
“There is no truth in the New York Times report,” it said.
Jamaatud Dawah chief Hafiz Saeed also denied having corresponded with bin Laden.
“I completely reject allegations made in mala fide and fictitious stories by New York Times and Telegraph,” Hafiz Saeed said. “I once again challenge the US and so-called investigative journalists to provide evidence of our involvement/association with terrorist attacks/OBL.”
He accused the US of using media as a propaganda tool for furthering “its designs against Muslims”. “I challenged $10 million bounty and they had to clarify it as ‘price to find evidence’, still lies and more lies to offer; no shred of evidence,” he added.
Protesters occupy Taiwan parliament over China trade deal
TAIPEI: Hundreds of Taiwanese activists were locked in a tense standoff with police on Wednesday after they stormed into parliament to try to stop the government from ratifying a trade agreement with China.
TAIPEI: Hundreds of Taiwanese activists were locked in a tense standoff with police on Wednesday after they stormed into parliament to try to stop the government from ratifying a trade agreement with China.
Around 200 protesters — mostly young students — broke through security barriers and took over parliament’s main chamber on Tuesday night, the first such occupation of the building in the island’s history.
They barricaded the doorways with piles of armchairs, blocking out hundreds of policemen who failed to push their way in.
Some 2,000 police including riot officers were mobilised over the course of the day to guard the parliament, said Taipei police chief Wang Cho-chun. They attempted to keep order as hundreds more protesters swarmed into the grounds.
Parliament speaker Wang Jin-pyng called for calm after 38 policemen were slightly injured following the early morning scuffle. At least ten civilians also received treatment for minor injuries. At least four people including three students were arrested, police said.
“We will try to resolve this peacefully,” speaker Wang told reporters.
President Ma Ying-jeou appeared unfazed and called on parliament to pass the trade pact. “Otherwise the international community will think we do not have the resolve and we are not sincere and trustworthy,” Ma told a meeting at ruling party headquarters.
Protesters vowed to stay in the chamber till Friday, the day lawmakers are set to hold a full session to review the pact, student leader Lin Fei-fan said.
“We are not a mob and we are against violent means but scuffles could be inevitable if the police try to remove us, and the government should take full responsibility should that happen,” Lin said.
The pact signed in July is designed further to open up trade in services between China and Taiwan, which split 65 years ago after a civil war.
But the protesters say the agreement will damage Taiwan’s economy and leave it vulnerable to political pressure from China.
Inside the chamber demonstrators sang and waved placards, while stacking up large supplies of food and water.
They have accused the ruling Kuomintang party of “illegal” moves to ratify the agreement, and are demanding a clause-by-clause review of it.
“We oppose the Ma government for pushing for the pact without hearing opinions from all sides as it will affect many young people and the millions who work in the service industries,” said student leader Lin.
Banners and placards reading “Sell out Taiwan” and “Surrender Pact” were unfurled outside parliament as more demonstrators gathered, chanting slogans demanding an apology from President Ma.
“I think Taiwan will be opening too much with the service trade pact and it is not fair for us. I don’t want Taiwan to become the next Hong Kong to fall under the control of China,” said student Shih Yi-chang.
The pact passed the first hurdle in parliament on Monday after it was approved by a committee in spite of opposition from some lawmakers.
The approval – the first of three ratifications needed to pass the bill – sparked a brawl between rival lawmakers and prompted three legislators from the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DDP) to announce a 70-hour hunger strike.
The pact is one of the follow-up agreements to a sweeping Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement signed in 2010 to reduce trade barriers between China and Taiwan.—AFP
Nehru’s policy led to defeat in war with China, says report
NEW DELHI: India’s Hindu nationalist opposition has seized upon a secret report about how the government bungled a war with China more than 50 years ago to batter the ruling party days before an election.
NEW DELHI: India’s Hindu nationalist opposition has seized upon a secret report about how the government bungled a war with China more than 50 years ago to batter the ruling party days before an election.
India, led by its first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru was defeated in the 1962 conflict that was painted at home as Chinese aggression across the Himalayas.
But excerpts of a military investigation that were leaked by an Australian journalist who wrote an acclaimed book on the war said the government’s policy of forward deployment in the high mountains had increased the chances of conflict. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which is the frontrunner in the election beginning next month, demanded that the government release the report by former army Lieutenant General Henderson Brooks so that the country would know how the government pushed the military into a war it could only lose.
“What are they trying to hide by making the war report classified?” BJP spokesman Ravi Shankar Prasad asked. “We have a right to know what went wrong. We lost the war because of Nehru.”
The BJP led by prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi has targeted the Nehru-Gandhi family that leads the Congress as a central plank of its campaign platform.
The military investigation said that in the months leading to the war, Nehru’s government ordered the military to patrol and establish posts far into the disputed border as part of a forward policy to deter the Chinese.
It held the top military brass also responsible for failing to stand up to the government and tell the politicians that it did not have the resources to support aggressive deployment and that troops would be too thinly spread out.
“With the introduction of the forward policy, the chances of a conflict certainly increased... that this implementation would bring about a major change in the military situation was obvious and it cannot be viewed as being wise after the event,” the report leaked by journalist and historian Neville Maxwell said.
China’s response was immediate and it began setting up posts of its own and by October 1962 the two countries were at war on both the western and eastern stretches of the Himalayas. It ended the following month with China holding large tracts of what India said was its territory.
The two countries remain locked in the territorial dispute although trade ties have boomed in recent years.
“Our leadership lied to the nation, hid information and lived in a romantic world. Result: War lost, territory lost, also loss of face,” Ram Madhav, a senior leader of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the ideological parent of the BJP and the umbrella group of Hindu organisations, said in a Twitter post.
The BJP has long advocated a tough national security posture towards both China and Pakistan and last month Modi said Beijing must drop its “mindset of expansion”.
The defence ministry in a statement rejected calls to release the war report, saying its contents were sensitive.
Nehru’s great grandson, Rahul Gandhi, is leading the Congress campaign in the election next month.
Iran closes border with Pakistan for 10 days
QUETTA: The Iranian government closed its borders with Pakistan on Tuesday in the run-up to Nauroze festivities.
QUETTA: The Iranian government closed its borders with Pakistan on Tuesday in the run-up to Nauroze festivities.
Official sources said that Iranian border authorities had informed their counterparts about the decision of their government.
Most of the people running their business at Zero Point on the Pakistan side left for their hometowns after closing their shops and business centres.
The Iranians celebrate Nauroze from March 19 every year. The celebrations will continue for ten days throughout Iran.
As a precautionary measure, the Iranians have also beefed up security by deploying more troops along the border with Pakistan.
Earlier, the Iranian government had sacked three border force officers for negligence in the aftermath of kidnapping of five Iranian border security guards allegedly by a Sistan Balochistan-based extremist outfit, Jaishul Adal, on Feb 6.
9/11 plotter stopped from testifying at trial of Osama kin
NEW YORK: Jurors deciding the fate of a son-in-law of Osama bin Laden would not hear testimony from the accused mastermind of the Sept 11 attacks, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, a US judge ruled on Tuesday.
NEW YORK: Jurors deciding the fate of a son-in-law of Osama bin Laden would not hear testimony from the accused mastermind of the Sept 11 attacks, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, a US judge ruled on Tuesday.
Judge Lewis Kaplan rejected as “entirely baseless” a motion by defence lawyers to admit the testimony in the trial of Suleiman Abu Ghaith, 48, a former Al Qaeda spokesman who is one of the highest profile people to face terrorism-related charges in a civilian court in the United States.
Mohammed, who is being held at the US military prison in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, had said in response to written questions from the defence that Abu Ghaith “was not a military man and had nothing to do with” Al Qaeda military operations.
Instead, Mohammed speculated, Abu Ghaith might have been chosen as a spokesman based on his “rhetorical ability”. But Kaplan said his 14-page declaration contained no evidence that he had any relevant personal knowledge.
“There is not even evidence in this document that Khalid Sheikh Mohammed was in the same country as the defendant during the same time period,” Kaplan said.
Prosecutors claimed Abu Ghaith was aware of further planned attacks against Americans, including the shoe bomb plot attempted aboard a plane by Briton Richard Reid in late 2001. The government contends Abu Ghaith spent time with Bin Laden after the attacks.
In February, Kaplan delayed the trial for a week to give defence lawyers a chance to submit hundreds of written questions to Mohammed, but he has repeatedly expressed scepticism that Abu Ghaith would have the right to introduce Mohammed’s testimony.
On Tuesday, he reiterated his position, saying that the dispute over Mohammed’s testimony was “much ado about nothing”.
Abu Ghaith is charged with conspiring to kill Americans, and providing material support and resources to terrorists. He faces life in prison if convicted.
‘CIA suspends chief of Iran operations’
WASHINGTON: The head of the CIA’s Iran operations has been suspended after employees complained about his ‘abusive’ management style, The Los Angeles Times has reported, citing unnamed officials.
WASHINGTON: The head of the CIA’s Iran operations has been suspended after employees complained about his ‘abusive’ management style, The Los Angeles Times has reported, citing unnamed officials.
Jonathan Bank, a career officer with the spy agency, had been placed on administrative leave after an internal probe found he had created a hostile work environment, according to the Times.
Former officials said employees had been in ‘open rebellion’ over the officer’s management style and that the division, which oversees spying on Iran and its nuclear programme, was in a state of disarray, it said.
The Central Intelligence Agency declined to comment directly on the report, saying it does not discuss personnel matters, but a spokesman said the CIA holds managers accountable.
Bank was withdrawn as CIA station chief in Islamabad in 2010 after newspapers in Pakistan and elsewhere published his name, blowing his undercover status.
US officials privately said Pakistan’s intelligence service was behind the leak as part of a dispute with Washington over CIA drone strikes in the country’s tribal areas.
Bank, 46, previously served at CIA stations in the Balkans, Russia and Iraq, former agency officials told the Times.
He also was a senior assistant to James Pavitt, who from 1999 to 2004 headed the CIA’s clandestine operations arm.
Footprints: Extremism in the land of Sufis
WHEN the arsonists broke into the Seth Dhunichand Pahlumal Bhatia Hindu Dharamshala near Jinnah Bagh, Parvesh Kumar, 20, dashed up to the rooftop. A BSc student from Dokri taluka, Kumar had recently volunteered to be one of the caretakers of the community centre. As the emotionally charged men went on the rampage on Saturday night, Kumar shook nervously, praying the men did not discover him upstairs.
WHEN the arsonists broke into the Seth Dhunichand Pahlumal Bhatia Hindu Dharamshala near Jinnah Bagh, Parvesh Kumar, 20, dashed up to the rooftop. A BSc student from Dokri taluka, Kumar had recently volunteered to be one of the caretakers of the community centre. As the emotionally charged men went on the rampage on Saturday night, Kumar shook nervously, praying the men did not discover him upstairs.
Situated on Station Road in Larkana, the pre-partition edifice can be easily missed as it is crammed between mobile phone and hardware shops.
Showing us around on Monday, Kumar made sure not to repeat the obvious. The white tiles of the spacious veranda had turned black as belongings and property were set alight by the men.
Chairs were set up near the rooms for community elders wanting to witness the damage. Nearby, the vice chairman of the Hindu Panchayat Dr Dharampal Bhawani’s mobile phone kept ringing. “I don’t know how to pacify people from our community. This is the first time we have to deal with an incident like this,” he said.
But an elderly local resident said the dharamshala had come under fire in the late 1950s too when a rape incident in the Indian town of Jabalpur infuriated the Muslims in the subcontinent. “A few men barged in then as well. There was no loss of life. But I remember my Muslim neighbours providing shelter to our family,” he stated.
The mood inside the dharamshala remained tense after the incident as community leaders remained non-committal in their response regarding what triggered the incident.
Half a kilometre away from Station Road, the New Leelabad — also known as New Murad Wahan — neighbourhood made news after a Hindu man was accused by a shopkeeper named Manan Sheikh of burning pages of the Quran on Saturday night.
But from the accounts of the man’s neighbours and various people of the area, it seems the suspect was well liked. A resident, G. R. Bhatti, said: “It is sad to see a simple man like him being wrongly embroiled in a controversy as scary as blasphemy.”
Walking along the narrow lanes as we made our way to the home of the suspect, Bhatti said the man accusing him was considered a “nuisance” by many in the neighbourhood. Sheikh, 22, irons clothes at a small dry-cleaning shop beside the suspect’s rented home. On a street corner stands a cream-coloured, two-storey building where the suspect, now under the protection of the ASP City Larkana, lived.
Both venues, the shop and the suspect’s home, were locked from outside. Pointing to the steps of the shop, Bhatti said: “Manan with his friends used to sit here and whistle at girls passing by. [The suspect’s] two sisters were among them. Though they were drinking buddies at night, they had many altercations about Sheikh’s wayward behaviour towards his sisters.”
As the suspect is unemployed, his sisters work at a nearby beauty salon to make ends meet. Residents said the girls would ignore advances of Sheikh and his friends.
Described mostly as a “simpleton” and “dervish-minded”, the neighbours said nobody saw the suspect burn the sacred pages. “Yes, the pages were recovered from a sewage line right in front of his home. But nobody saw him there; no one saw him burning the pages either. I don’t want to accuse anyone unjustly,” said Pervez Ali, owner of the dry-cleaning shop where Manan worked.
Living close by, Sheikh’s brother Izhar Ali was quick to present a clarification. “We have taken Manan to a safer place as we fear for his security,” he said. “A few people handed him a shopper with burnt pages of the Holy Book. I don’t know whether he did it or not. But we’ll help the police in locating who did it.”
“You just have to connect the dots,” doctor and professor at the Chandka Medical College Dr Inayat Magsi said. “A low-income neighbourhood, den of extortionists and land grabbers at the back of it, a Hindu girl refusing sexual advances, living with a brother with drinking problems — it helps many people in one go. If the men were so emotionally charged, why didn’t they go straight to a temple? Why did they plunder an off-route dharamshala first?”
He continued: “This is not Lahore or Bahawalpur where angry protesters will burn down an entire neighbourhood. Over here, people feel duty-bound to protect their neighbours. Many students from the seminary and boys from around the area surrounded the homes of other Hindu families to protect them. Otherwise, this incident could have created another Gojra from Larkana.”
Pakistan to purchase IED-resistant vehicles from US
WASHINGTON: Pakistan is likely to receive hundreds of mine-resistant ambush-protected vehicles from the United States, which can help protect Pakistani troops from improvised explosive devices, reliable sources told Dawn.
WASHINGTON: Pakistan is likely to receive hundreds of mine-resistant ambush-protected vehicles from the United States, which can help protect Pakistani troops from improvised explosive devices, reliable sources told Dawn.
The vehicles, better known by their acronym MRAPs, are part of the excess defence articles that the United States has to dispose before it leaves Afghanistan by the end of this year.
The Washington Post reported earlier this week that the United States wanted to dispose $7 billion worth of military equipment before the expected withdrawal.
Besides the MRAPs, Pakistan is also interested in buying field hospitals, individual protective armours, night vision goggles and other equipment useful in the war against terrorists.
“Pakistan may get the MRAPs soon,” said a source familiar with the negotiations, “as it is a defensive equipment and it will be easy for the Obama administration to justify its sale”.
Improvised explosive devices have killed a large number of Pakistani soldiers, including a general, in the war against terror and Pakistan hopes that the MRAPs could greatly reduce these losses.
The United States produced more than 5,000 MRAPs for its troops when it faced IED attacks in Iraq and Afghanistan. More than 2,000 MRAPs are deployed in Afghanistan alone.
Negotiations for buying excess defence articles began in Dec 2012.
As a major non-Nato ally, Pakistan qualifies for buying the weapons that can be available at “dirt cheap rates”, as a source said.
“It is much easier than buying new weapons as they are already battle-tested. Besides, it saves the buyer from going through the lengthy process of selecting, testing and ordering new weapons that sometimes takes years to manufacture and deliver,” the source added.
Since it shares a long border with Afghanistan, Pakistan is better placed to buy these weapons than others. Another buyer will also have to bear the shipping expenses, routing the equipment through Pakistani or Russia.
The Washington Post reported that the potential sale could be, “part of an effort by the Pentagon to unload excess military supplies to US allies at no cost”.
The US does not want to pay to ship out leftover military hardware from the conflict in neighbouring Afghanistan.
SC quizzes Sindh govt about steps taken after FAO Thar alert
ISLAMABAD: Sindh government’s perceived apathy to take timely action despite an advance FAO warning about food scarcity and drought alarmed the Supreme Court on Monday.
ISLAMABAD: Sindh government’s perceived apathy to take timely action despite an advance FAO warning about food scarcity and drought alarmed the Supreme Court on Monday.
A three-judge Supreme Court bench headed by Chief Justice Tassaduq Hussain Jillani ordered the Sindh chief secretary to submit a comprehensive report about preventive measures taken by the Sindh government after the FAO (Food and Agriculture Organisation), a subsidiary of the UN, had issued a warning five years ago about the possible drought situation and food scarcity.
The Supreme Court had taken notice of the pathetic situation in the drought-hit Tharparkat district and deaths of malnourished children.
Media reports suggest that Thar received no rain except a little drizzle in the beginning of the current season and almost all reservoirs dried up. The region faced a famine-like situation which led to the death of scores of children.
During the hearing, the chief justice himself referred to the FAO warning issued about five years ago and wondered what measures the Sindh government had taken to cope with the possible calamity.
On behalf of the Sindh government, Advocate General Fateh Malik regretted the human tragedy and Sindh Health Secretary Iqbal Durrani said that medical practitioners posted in the area were guilty of dereliction of duty and failed to comprehend the enormity of crisis. He said he had already issued show-cause notices to 450 doctors.
He claimed that malnutrition was a serious problem across the country, especially in Sindh, and the provincial government, with the help of the UN, had screened 20 of the 44 union councils of Tharparkar to cope with the situation.
He said that a memorandum of understanding had been signed with a local NGO to distribute ready-to-use therapeutic food among malnourished mothers and children and its distribution would begin this week.
He said that famine had affected 259,000 households in the area.
The Sindh government has dispatched 73,000 sacks of 100 kg wheat and 60,000 of them had already been distributed among the affected people and the remaining would be distributed within a week.
“These flour bags are meant only for affected households and not for the nomad population of around a million since they are already being taken care of in relief camps set up by armed forces and NGOs,” he said.
The secretary admitted the difficulty being faced by armed forces in reaching out to people in far-flung areas because of inaccessibility.
Justice Khilji Arif Hussain, a member of the bench, regretted the lack of advance planning when the famine-like situation kept appearing every three years.
Besides, he said, the condition of health units and hospitals was so pathetic that even animals could not be treated there.
The court ordered the chief secretary to submit a detailed report about the situation in two days.
Warrants for Musharraf’s guarantors in Bugti case
QUETTA: An anti-terrorism court issued on Monday non-bailable arrest warrants for two guarantors of former president retired Gen Pervez Musharraf in the Nawab Akbar Bugti murder case and directed the police to produce the main accused at the next hearing.
QUETTA: An anti-terrorism court issued on Monday non-bailable arrest warrants for two guarantors of former president retired Gen Pervez Musharraf in the Nawab Akbar Bugti murder case and directed the police to produce the main accused at the next hearing.
The court said Mumtaz Hussain and Nazir Ahmed, who had submitted surety bonds, should be arrested as the accused had failed to comply with its order of attending the hearing.
Directives for Gen Musharraf to attend the court proceedings have been issued for four times in the past, but he has remained absent.
Judge Tariq Anwar Kasi confirmed on Monday bail of former interior minister and leader of the Qaumi Watan Party, Aftab Mohammad Khan Sherpao, and former home minister Mir Shoaib Nausherwani in the case.
Nawabzada Jamil Akbar Bugti has nominated Mr Musharraf, former prime minister Shuakat Aziz, former governor Owais Ahmed Ghani, late chief minister Jam Mohammad Yousuf, Mr Sherpao, Mr Nausherwani and former district coordination officer of Dera Bugti, Abdul Samad Lasi, in the murder case of his father.
The hearing was adjourned to April 7.
Crimea votes overwhelmingly to leave Ukraine for Russia
SIMFEROPOL (Ukraine): Crimeans voted overwhelmingly to break away from Ukraine and join Russia in a referendum on Sunday that has alarmed the former Soviet republic and triggered the worst crisis in East-West relations since the Cold War.
SIMFEROPOL (Ukraine): Crimeans voted overwhelmingly to break away from Ukraine and join Russia in a referendum on Sunday that has alarmed the former Soviet republic and triggered the worst crisis in East-West relations since the Cold War.
According to results of an exit poll announced first on Russian media, 93 per cent of voters backed a union with Moscow, 60 years after Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev, an ethnic Ukrainian, gifted Crimea to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic on an apparent whim.
The outcome of Sunday’s vote was never in doubt, although the main organiser said the figure was premature and that preliminary results would be announced later.
Thousands of people filled Lenin Square in the centre of Simferopol, Crimea’s capital, and waved Crimean and Russian flags in a festive celebration of what most locals wanted.
“We cannot be any worse off than we are now,” said Lyudmila Sergeyevna, a 64-year-old who was born in Simferopol and has lived on the peninsula all her life.
“I am Ukrainian through and through, but I voted for Russia. I have a son, daughter and two grandsons living with me in a small apartment. I just hope things are going to be better now.”
The majority of Crimea’s 1.5 million electorate, like Sergeyevna, support becoming part of Russia, citing expectations of economic growth and the prospect of joining a country capable of asserting itself on the world stage.
But others saw the referendum as nothing more than a geopolitical land grab by the Kremlin which is seeking to exploit Ukraine’s relative economic and military weakness as it moves towards the European mainstream and away from Russia.
Thousands of Russian troops have taken control of the Black Sea peninsula, and Crimea’s pro-Russian leaders ensured the vote was tilted in Moscow’s favour.
That, along with an ethnic Russian majority, resulted in a comfortable “Yes” vote to leave Ukraine, a move expected to lead to US and European sanctions as early as Monday against those seen as responsible for the takeover of Crimea.
When Crimean Prime Minister Sergei Aksyonov, whose election is not recognised by Ukrainian authorities in Kiev, cast his ballot, a man tried to unfurl a blue and yellow Ukrainian flag next to him, but people in the crowd prevented the show of dissent.
Voters had two options to choose from — but both implied Russian control of the peninsula.
Ukraine’s acting president Oleksander Turchinov late on Saturday called on people in Crimea to boycott the “pseudo-referendum”, yet with two hours of polling still to go, turnout was officially 73.4 per cent. Turchinov said: “Its result has already been written in the Kremlin, which needs some grounds to officially put troops on our land and start a war which will destroy people’s lives and the economic prospects of Crimea.”
Most ethnic Tatars, Sunni Muslims of Turkic origin who make up 12 per cent of Crimea’s population, boycotted the referendum, despite promises by the authorities to give them financial aid and proper land rights.
“For the rest of my life I will be cursing those who brought these people here. I don’t recognise this at all. I curse all of them.”—Reuters
Bangladesh opposition leader sent to prison
DHAKA: A Bangladesh court sent the country’s second most senior opposition leader to jail on Sunday, a prosecutor said.
DHAKA: A Bangladesh court sent the country’s second most senior opposition leader to jail on Sunday, a prosecutor said.
The court in Dhaka denied bail to Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, secretary-general of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), who was charged with murder during violence in the run-up to a controversial general election in January.
“The metropolitan magistrate rejected bail for Alamgir and two other BNP officials and sent them to jail,” prosecutor Abdullah Abu said.
The detention comes amid a government crackdown on the BNP and its 18 smaller allies, all of whom boycotted the violence-plagued election and allowed the ruling Awami League to win an absolute majority.
The BNP, which was blamed for much of the pre-poll violence that left hundreds dead, has announced nationwide demonstrations for Monday in protest against the court’s decision.
“These are false, fabricated and politically motivated cases. They are part of the government’s ongoing crackdown on the opposition,” said BNP spokesman Rizvi Ahmed.
Alamgir and thousands of other BNP officials and supporters were detained for months before the elections after being charged with various offences. BNP chief Khaleda Zia was also kept under virtual arrest for weeks.—AFP
PML-N not happy with Balochistan CM, says Zehri
QUETTA: The head of PML-N parliamentary party in the Balochistan Assembly and the party’s provincial chief, Sardar Sanaullah Zehri, has said that members and ministers belonging to the party have reservations about the attitude of the provincial government led by Chief Minister Dr Abdul Malik Baloch.
QUETTA: The head of PML-N parliamentary party in the Balochistan Assembly and the party’s provincial chief, Sardar Sanaullah Zehri, has said that members and ministers belonging to the party have reservations about the attitude of the provincial government led by Chief Minister Dr Abdul Malik Baloch.
Talking to newsmen at the Quetta airport after his arrival from Karachi on Sunday, Mr Zehri said he had informed the PML-N’s central leadership about the situation.
He said the PML-N had majority in the provincial assembly and could change the coalition government, but he was bound by the party leadership and the Murree accord not to do so. Mr Zehri said his party had so far not decided whether to attend a meeting of the provincial cabinet on Monday. “A decision about attending the cabinet meeting will be taken by the parliamentary party.”
Mr Zehri, who is senior minister in the Balochistan cabinet, said PML-N lawmakers would attend the assembly session on Monday.
“We want to resolve the issues in a democratic manner because we believe in democratic principles and want to strengthen democracy in the country,” he said.
He said he would meet Dr Baloch before taking a final decision about the coalition.
Answering a question, he said PML-N members were not attending their offices for two months and they had handed over their resignations to him, but he had not forwarded them to the party’s central leadership.
He urged Dr Malik to dispel a perception that only two parties were in the coalition and said that despite its clear majority in the assembly, the PML-N invited the National Party to form the government.
He said his party had more than 28 members in the assembly and the PML-Q was its ally. The assembly has 51 directly elected members, as well as 11 seats reserved for women and three for non-Muslims.
Buses for women easing the way?
A WEEK and a half ago, I went looking for the pink women’s buses said to be found at the bus terminal near the Islamabad Secretariat, finally spotting one lone minibus — looking like a pink blob in the distance — parked in a rather deserted terminal space.
A WEEK and a half ago, I went looking for the pink women’s buses said to be found at the bus terminal near the Islamabad Secretariat, finally spotting one lone minibus — looking like a pink blob in the distance — parked in a rather deserted terminal space.
That bus was waiting for another one coming from Rawalpindi to return so that it could get en route. Under the scheme, seven buses run on the Secretariat to Rawalpindi’s Saddar route, called route number 1, from 7am to 7pm.
I thought it best to catch the last bus in the evening from the stop nearest to the Marriott Hotel. The female conductor, wearing a clean white and pink uniform, eyeliner and hoop earrings, explained that they had been a little late because she and the (male) driver had to eat a quick late lunch. Friendly, professional and polite, both she and the driver were patient, even if the bus was a little too pink. It could seat about 20 people. On that particular ride, apart from myself, the driver and the conductor, there were 10 commuters.
The first passenger was a girl clad in a black abaya and a shawl, who had used the service earlier. A woman hopped on from the Islamabad College for Girls stop in F-6. “This is my first ride in this bus,” she told the conductor.
When the bus reached Faizabad Interchange, the entrance into Rawalpindi from Islamabad, one young woman was talking to the college teacher. “Two days ago a bus driver charged me double the fare at Faizabad,” she complained. “He refused to take me further unless I paid him another Rs30.”
This declaration started another round of anecdotes, a common one being the rejection of female commuters by male conductors and drivers. “The worst is when they will not allow women in, despite the availability of seats,” explained a student. The college teacher confirmed: “They insult us and dare us to file complaints against them.”
In an ideal world, public transport would be gender-friendly, run with accountability, would run on time and female commuters would not need protection. In the real world, however, the governments are still struggling to achieve secure mobility for women.
The relief provided by gender-specific transportation has been introduced in cities in Japan, India, Brazil, Guatemala, Egypt, Iran, Indonesia and Mexico. Pakistan attempted an experiment with women-only public transport in 2012, when three buses (also coloured pink) were introduced, but two were withdrawn due to the lack of female commuters.
But the Punjab government has not given up on the idea for Lahore entirely. Two more buses are to be introduced in Lahore. The chief of the Lahore Transport Company (LTC), Khawaja Haider Latif, told me that more women-only vans would only be added after a survey to estimate the need was conducted.
So far, Pakistan has not explored thoroughly the capacity of gender-specific public transport to sustain itself financially, curb harassment and navigate during rush hour.
To address concerns of female commuters, it would be a step in the right direction if the authorities tried to count the number of women using public transport in the country.
A commuter from the bus I took to Rawalpindi, Mrs Naseem, told me her daughter used to take a bus to go to her college at the Murree Road terminal. “It was humiliating and frustrating for us when the bus would not come on time or not come at all,” she said.
“Nobody ever thinks of the ghareeb (the poor). I wish this bus had been running when my daughter was a student.”
COAS urges troops to be ready for challenges
ISLAMABAD: Army Chief General Raheel Sharif asked his men on Saturday to remain ready for future challenges.
ISLAMABAD: Army Chief General Raheel Sharif asked his men on Saturday to remain ready for future challenges.
“While we pay rich tributes to all our Shaheed and Ghazi brothers, we have to remain prepared to face potential challenges,” he said during his visit to the Armoured Division at Gujranwala garrison.
Some analysts attached considerable importance to Gen Sharif’s statement released by the ISPR even though it was not made in context of the ongoing peace talks between the government and militants.
Units of the armoured corps have served in militancy-hit areas and some of them are still deployed there.
The military has so far maintained ‘strategic ambivalence’ towards the dialogue, describing it as a government initiative, and on at least two occasions — the recent Corps Commanders Conference and meeting of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee — it underscored its readiness to take on the militants.
The government has, meanwhile, called for ‘fast-tracking’ the peace initiative to prevent it from falling prey to ‘ill-wishers’. Militant attacks have continued despite the peace process, which both the Taliban and the government claim to be progressing well.
The terrorist attacks have been claimed by what are being described as ‘renegade’ factions of the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). On Friday, at least 19 people were killed in attacks in Peshawar and Quetta, both of which were claimed by Ahrar-ul-Hind group, which earlier owned an attack on a court complex in Islamabad.
However, doubts have been expressed within the army over claims that Ahrar-ul-Hind is no longer linked to the TTP.
Afghanistan doesn’t need US troops: Karzai
He reiterated his stance that he would not sign a pact with the United States that would provide for a residual force of US troops to remain behind after the final withdrawal, unless peace could first be established.
He reiterated his stance that he would not sign a pact with the United States that would provide for a residual force of US troops to remain behind after the final withdrawal, unless peace could first be established.
“I want to say to all those foreign countries who perhaps out of habit or because they want to interfere, that they should not interfere,” the Afghan president remarked.
He said the war in Afghanistan was “imposed” on his nation, presumably by the 2001 invasion by US forces, and told the United States it could bring peace to Afghanistan if it went after terrorist sanctuaries and countries that supported terrorism, apparently a reference to Pakistan.
Karzai told the parliament, which was holding its opening session for this term, that security forces were strong enough to defend Afghanistan without the help of international troops.
In his speech Karzai again urged Taliban militants to join the peace process, while accusing Pakistan of protecting the Taliban leadership. He suggested that Pakistan was behind the killing of a Taliban leader who supported the peace process.
Throughout his speech Karzai spoke of what he called his accomplishments over the last 12 years, saying schools were functioning, rights were being given to women, energy projects were coming online and the Afghan currency had been stabilised.—AP
Six troops killed in Cairo attack
CAIRO: Gunmen killed six soldiers at a Cairo checkpoint on Saturday in a brazen morning attack the military blamed on the Muslim Brotherhood movement of deposed president Mohamed Morsi.
CAIRO: Gunmen killed six soldiers at a Cairo checkpoint on Saturday in a brazen morning attack the military blamed on the Muslim Brotherhood movement of deposed president Mohamed Morsi.
The attack comes two days after gunmen killed a soldier in Cairo, as militants once based in the Sinai Peninsula increasingly target the capital in a campaign that has killed more than 200 security men since the army overthrew Morsi last July.
The assailants opened fire on military policemen on Saturday as they were finishing their morning prayers and then planted two bombs to target first responders, a military statement said.
The soldiers appeared to have had little opportunity to defend themselves. “They were praying,” army spokesman Colonel Ahmed Ali said.
The health ministry said six of them were killed.
Live television footage showed military sappers safely detonating one of the bombs near the checkpoint in the northern neighbourhood of Shubra al-Kheima.
And a private television station quoted an interior ministry official as saying one of the bombs left behind was planted next to a dead soldier’s body.
About two dozen civilians gathered near the site and chanted: “Either we get justice for them, or we die like them.”
Most of the attacks since Morsi’s ouster have taken place in the Sinai, but militants have expanded their reach to the Nile Delta and the capital in recent months.
The government has blamed most of the attacks on Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood, which renounced violence decades ago and has denied any involvement.—AFP
Editorial News
A timely reminder
AN excerpt from an upcoming book written by a New York Times correspondent has caused a predictable kerfuffle in Pakistan, given that it makes the direct claim that the ISI not only knew of Osama Bin Laden’s presence in Pakistan, but had a desk dedicated to managing and facilitating the Al Qaeda supremo’s sanctuary in Pakistan. Having issued the obligatory denials and condemnations, the Pakistani state would likely prefer that the entire episode be forgotten once again — as had already happened in the recent past of a country that appears to specialise in glossing over cataclysmic events. However, the book excerpt in the NYT is a helpful reminder that a great big piece of the puzzle is yet to be made public: the Abbottabad Commission report has quietly been shelved and, if state functionaries have their way, is likely never to see the light of day.
AN excerpt from an upcoming book written by a New York Times correspondent has caused a predictable kerfuffle in Pakistan, given that it makes the direct claim that the ISI not only knew of Osama Bin Laden’s presence in Pakistan, but had a desk dedicated to managing and facilitating the Al Qaeda supremo’s sanctuary in Pakistan. Having issued the obligatory denials and condemnations, the Pakistani state would likely prefer that the entire episode be forgotten once again — as had already happened in the recent past of a country that appears to specialise in glossing over cataclysmic events. However, the book excerpt in the NYT is a helpful reminder that a great big piece of the puzzle is yet to be made public: the Abbottabad Commission report has quietly been shelved and, if state functionaries have their way, is likely never to see the light of day.
Thanks, however, to a leaked copy of one version of the report, the country is already aware of the gross problems on both sides of the only two valid explanations for the OBL episode: incompetence and complicity. As the leaked report detailed, the general level of incompetence and complicity when it comes to the Pakistani security establishment’s ties with non-state actors made it entirely possible that at various tiers of the security apparatus, both complicity and incompetence were to blame for the long-term presence of Osama Bin Laden inside Pakistan. So, with the report staying buried and no one within the state apparatus appearing interested in countenancing its official publication, all the public can do is guess about the extent of the rot within the very state apparatus that is meant to protect the citizenry from national security threats.
The inconvenient truth is that the OBL episode was not a one-off in any meaningful sense of the term. Even if there was absolutely no complicity and it was entirely incompetence, that alone leaves grave lapses to be identified and institutional measures to be taken to lower the risk of another spectacular failure. Surely, as the government today grapples with the challenge of improving intelligence cooperation between the civilian and military arms of the state in the counterterrorism arena, the OBL episode alone could be worth many lessons in identifying what went wrong and how to make sure the state does not get caught out again going forward. But it is also too easy to suggest that incompetence must necessarily have played the greater role in what went wrong. Until the state is able to acknowledge all that is wrong within itself, it is unlikely to ever be able to craft a meaningful policy to fight militancy, terrorism and extremism. That is a reality that can only be denied until the next great cataclysm strikes.
Rangers’ powers
THE plaint made by the director-general Pakistan Rangers, Sindh, on Wednesday that the paramilitary force he commands does not have the requisite powers to maintain durable peace in Karachi is open to debate. This newspaper has argued in the past that the Rangers, originally meant to patrol the country’s frontiers, help the army during wartime and come to the aid of civil power, are not trained to counter urban crime and terrorism. However, the Rangers’ chief feels that the ‘limited rights’ his force enjoys to carry out raids and make arrests is inhibiting the Rangers’ ability to bring peace to Karachi. The paramilitary force has been in this troubled metropolis for over two decades and has thousands of troops stationed in the city. Yet its record of quelling violence is mixed and it has also been censured for the killing of unarmed civilians. While it may be a fit force for the battlefield, the Rangers’ record in Karachi leaves a lot to be desired. Hence we feel any attempt to give the force greater, sweeping powers would be unwise.
THE plaint made by the director-general Pakistan Rangers, Sindh, on Wednesday that the paramilitary force he commands does not have the requisite powers to maintain durable peace in Karachi is open to debate. This newspaper has argued in the past that the Rangers, originally meant to patrol the country’s frontiers, help the army during wartime and come to the aid of civil power, are not trained to counter urban crime and terrorism. However, the Rangers’ chief feels that the ‘limited rights’ his force enjoys to carry out raids and make arrests is inhibiting the Rangers’ ability to bring peace to Karachi. The paramilitary force has been in this troubled metropolis for over two decades and has thousands of troops stationed in the city. Yet its record of quelling violence is mixed and it has also been censured for the killing of unarmed civilians. While it may be a fit force for the battlefield, the Rangers’ record in Karachi leaves a lot to be desired. Hence we feel any attempt to give the force greater, sweeping powers would be unwise.
Perhaps the reason numerous law-enforcement interventions in Karachi over the decades have failed (including bringing in the army) has been highlighted by the Rangers’ DG himself; our conviction rate is abysmally low while witnesses are too scared to testify against suspects. In short, the investigation and prosecution system is not delivering. This is where the Sindh government comes in. Our flawed investigation and prosecution system must be put right and strengthened so that suspects caught and found guilty are sentenced and are not allowed back on the streets. Also, the Rangers should not be given enhanced powers at the cost of the police. For all its faults, the provincially controlled police force is in a much better position to tackle crime and terrorism in Karachi. That is why the Rangers must work in tandem with the police while carrying out operations in the city. There should not be two parallel law-enforcement entities active in Karachi. The metropolis’s law and order problems can be addressed through plugging the legal loopholes, reforming and depoliticising the police and bringing in the Rangers only in extraordinary circumstances.
Bangladesh democracy falters
THE opposition seems to have been taken care of, the cricket extravaganza has captivated her people, and apparently all appears to be going well for Sheikh Hasina Wajed, third-time prime minister of Bangladesh. But the fact that she has, for all intents and purposes, stolen an election can hardly be forgotten considering that the January polls were boycotted by the opposition which led to half the seats being won uncontested. What has added to this deviation from democratic ideals is the government’s persecution of political rivals. One opposition leader, belonging to the Jamaat-i-Islami, has been executed, 14 others have been sentenced to death and many more, including two members of the main opposition party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, are being tried for ‘war crimes’ in debatable circumstances. The latest target is BNP chief Khaleda Zia, a former prime minister who is her main political rival. Along with others, including her son, she has been charged by a court for embezzlement. Like the ‘war crimes’, Sheikh Wajid has dusted off old files to try her main political rival for a crime she and her associates allegedly committed during her term as prime minister in 2001-06. While embezzlement is a crime that must be investigated, and for which the offenders must be taken to task, the timing has been most unfortunate, and Ms Wajed’s actions have come across as more of a witch-hunt than a genuine crackdown on corruption.
THE opposition seems to have been taken care of, the cricket extravaganza has captivated her people, and apparently all appears to be going well for Sheikh Hasina Wajed, third-time prime minister of Bangladesh. But the fact that she has, for all intents and purposes, stolen an election can hardly be forgotten considering that the January polls were boycotted by the opposition which led to half the seats being won uncontested. What has added to this deviation from democratic ideals is the government’s persecution of political rivals. One opposition leader, belonging to the Jamaat-i-Islami, has been executed, 14 others have been sentenced to death and many more, including two members of the main opposition party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, are being tried for ‘war crimes’ in debatable circumstances. The latest target is BNP chief Khaleda Zia, a former prime minister who is her main political rival. Along with others, including her son, she has been charged by a court for embezzlement. Like the ‘war crimes’, Sheikh Wajid has dusted off old files to try her main political rival for a crime she and her associates allegedly committed during her term as prime minister in 2001-06. While embezzlement is a crime that must be investigated, and for which the offenders must be taken to task, the timing has been most unfortunate, and Ms Wajed’s actions have come across as more of a witch-hunt than a genuine crackdown on corruption.
The unabashed persecution of the opposition through such actions may win Ms Wajed some respite in power, but it is Bangladesh that will be the loser in the long run. It is time the Bangladesh government realised what this approach is doing to the country’s nascent democracy. Bangladesh needs peace for sustaining what otherwise has been commendable economic progress. The opposition may appear vanquished today, but when the wheels of politics turn, as they are bound to, no one should be surprised if the rulers are given a dose of their own unpalatable medicine.
Intelligence convergence
THE National Counter-Terrorism Authority (Nacta) has been reformed and the National Intelligence Directorate set up. Intelligence agencies in the country, 26 in total according to the last count by the interior ministry, will now be working under the directorate’s umbrella to fight terrorism. That should, hopefully, remove some of the confusion that would but be a natural consequence of so many agencies working simultaneously. Ideally, it should lead to reformation based on fresh delineation of work. The government, at least on paper, will oversee the collection of terrorism-specific information from the civilian as well as military agencies. The emphasis is on whether the change will give the government the powers governments in Pakistan have been after for long. It will also have to be watched whether it is a gathering of big names with some substance or a collection signifying little.
THE National Counter-Terrorism Authority (Nacta) has been reformed and the National Intelligence Directorate set up. Intelligence agencies in the country, 26 in total according to the last count by the interior ministry, will now be working under the directorate’s umbrella to fight terrorism. That should, hopefully, remove some of the confusion that would but be a natural consequence of so many agencies working simultaneously. Ideally, it should lead to reformation based on fresh delineation of work. The government, at least on paper, will oversee the collection of terrorism-specific information from the civilian as well as military agencies. The emphasis is on whether the change will give the government the powers governments in Pakistan have been after for long. It will also have to be watched whether it is a gathering of big names with some substance or a collection signifying little.
Some of these agencies have been working by themselves for so long and have acquired a reputation for shunning all kinds of ‘outside interference’ from state organisations. That they are willing to sit together after years of persuasion is described as a ‘momentous’ development. An occasion where they are actually seen to be aiding each other in fighting terrorism would in the same vein inspire the loudest celebrations before it can inspire hope of some kind of security in the people.
Clearly, it is a compromise. In the old Pakistani context, it would appear the agencies have allowed some semblance of authority to the government. The impression is strengthened by the fact that there is still plenty of room for the agencies to work on their own, unhindered by the directorate’s presence. The intelligence sharing in the directorate is to be specific to counterterrorism. Of course, there could always be difference of opinion on what can be construed as terrorism and lines will be blurred and not too difficult to cross. From among these known and unknown 26 agencies, the Inter-Services Intelligence has been visibly the most reluctant to lend itself to civilian control. The Pakistan Peoples Party’s last government tried to bring the ISI under the interior ministry, in vain and some say shoddily. An official has now been quoted as saying that “a wing of the military-run agency dealing with issues relating to counterterrorism would report to the new directorate.” And that “the ISI has a vast area of operation and works as the first line of defence against internal and external security threats. ...” This would make it seem as if the Pakistan Muslim League-N has only partially succeeded where the PPP had failed completely. The civilian-military balance will continue to be one of the most significant issues of discussion, but the success of the National Intelligence Directorate will be measured on the basis of some real and quick advances against terror.
No further delay
EVERY time the higher judiciary turns up the heat on the provinces to conduct local government elections, the respective administrations come up with one excuse or the other to delay the polls. Hence it is hoped that the Supreme Court’s orders to hold the polls by Nov 15 in Sindh and Punjab are taken seriously by the provincial administrations that have — apart from Balochistan — failed to conduct this vital democratic exercise. The apex court ordered the centre and provinces on Wednesday to complete all legislation related to the LG polls by November. Meanwhile on Tuesday the SC had directed the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government to hold the polls within a month. The KP government has reportedly said delimitation is complete and it is ready for the elections. Since the KP administration has sent positive signals while the apex court has given Punjab and Sindh nearly eight months to sort out all legal and logistical issues that stand in the way of the LG polls, there should be no more delays. There has been some talk in political circles that local elections should not be held until a fresh census is completed as the current data is outdated. While there can be no two opinions about the need for a fresh census, this need should not be linked to the LG polls. After all, last year’s general elections were also held according to the ‘old’ data, and the political parties did not object to this fact.
EVERY time the higher judiciary turns up the heat on the provinces to conduct local government elections, the respective administrations come up with one excuse or the other to delay the polls. Hence it is hoped that the Supreme Court’s orders to hold the polls by Nov 15 in Sindh and Punjab are taken seriously by the provincial administrations that have — apart from Balochistan — failed to conduct this vital democratic exercise. The apex court ordered the centre and provinces on Wednesday to complete all legislation related to the LG polls by November. Meanwhile on Tuesday the SC had directed the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government to hold the polls within a month. The KP government has reportedly said delimitation is complete and it is ready for the elections. Since the KP administration has sent positive signals while the apex court has given Punjab and Sindh nearly eight months to sort out all legal and logistical issues that stand in the way of the LG polls, there should be no more delays. There has been some talk in political circles that local elections should not be held until a fresh census is completed as the current data is outdated. While there can be no two opinions about the need for a fresh census, this need should not be linked to the LG polls. After all, last year’s general elections were also held according to the ‘old’ data, and the political parties did not object to this fact.
The real reason behind the foot-dragging by the parties seems to be that the political elite are not comfortable with devolving power to the third tier, while political players may also be wary about results that do not turn up as per their ‘liking’. This is the case even while three different parties rule KP, Sindh and Punjab respectively. But such attitudes fly in the face of the democratic spirit. The SC and the Election Commission of Pakistan must ensure there is no more dilly-dallying by the provinces on this key issue and polls are not delayed further. Also, it must be ensured that LG polls are held in cantonments. Many civilians live in cantonment areas and should not be denied the right to elect local representatives.
KP police pay raise
AMONG the law enforcement agencies most impacted by the war against militancy in the country are the KP police. Operating in a province contiguous with the tribal areas from where much of the threat of militant violence emanates, their job is a particularly perilous one in which the risk to their lives is constant and unrelenting. Over 30 policemen have been killed and 48 wounded in terrorist attacks this year. Last year, the number of deaths crossed 120. It is only fitting that they be fairly compensated for the extremely demanding nature of their work and the chief minister has taken a laudable initiative in sanctioning a special allowance for the provincial police, thereby effecting a pay raise, despite reservations by his finance department.
AMONG the law enforcement agencies most impacted by the war against militancy in the country are the KP police. Operating in a province contiguous with the tribal areas from where much of the threat of militant violence emanates, their job is a particularly perilous one in which the risk to their lives is constant and unrelenting. Over 30 policemen have been killed and 48 wounded in terrorist attacks this year. Last year, the number of deaths crossed 120. It is only fitting that they be fairly compensated for the extremely demanding nature of their work and the chief minister has taken a laudable initiative in sanctioning a special allowance for the provincial police, thereby effecting a pay raise, despite reservations by his finance department.
It has been pointed out that as the special allowance will be calculated on the basis of the policemen’s daily salary, the measure will benefit higher-ranking officers far more than constable-level personnel. The difference in the numbers appears particularly lopsided when one considers that it is lower-tier cops — constables, inspectors, etc — who are on the front line against militant violence, a fact clearly illustrated by their overwhelming presence in the lists of ‘shaheed’ policemen. However, the typical pyramid-shaped organisational structure means there are far more personnel at the lower levels than in the higher echelons, and budgetary constraints thus preclude what could be seen as a more equitable enhancement in salary. The move is nevertheless a much-needed shot in the arm for the beleaguered force. Meanwhile, police in Karachi too are beset by multidimensional security challenges. In 2013, over 150 were killed in the line of duty. So far this year, 46 have been killed and 67 injured in acts of terrorism. The Sindh government could take its cue from KP and improve the pay structure of its police, the most poorly compensated of the provincial police forces. Those who are our first line of defence against the terrorist threat deserve nothing less.
Sartaj Aziz’s reassurances
SARTAZ Aziz’s reassurance to the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee on Monday that Pakistan will not tilt to either side and will maintain a balance in relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia should serve to remove misunderstandings on this score. The senators’ concerns were motivated by developments that gave an impression that Islamabad was rethinking some aspects of its foreign policy. In February, the joint statement issued at the end of the Saudi crown prince’s visit called for the establishment of “a transitional government” in Syria. This implied Pakistan’s support for moves to oust President Hafez al-Assad. The more recent development is related to a Saudi grant of $1.5bn to the Pakistan Development Fund, which has led to speculations and demands for transparency. Mr Aziz insisted that the Saudi grant had no conditions attached. A governmental clarification was needed to scotch rumours that ranged from two brigades of Pakistani soldiers being sent to Saudi Arabia, to the supply of Pakistan-manufactured arms to anti-Assad forces in Syria. While the adviser on foreign and national security affairs admitted that there indeed was a proposal for exporting arms to the kingdom, Islamabad, he said, would ensure that weapons did not land in Arab conflict zones.
SARTAZ Aziz’s reassurance to the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee on Monday that Pakistan will not tilt to either side and will maintain a balance in relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia should serve to remove misunderstandings on this score. The senators’ concerns were motivated by developments that gave an impression that Islamabad was rethinking some aspects of its foreign policy. In February, the joint statement issued at the end of the Saudi crown prince’s visit called for the establishment of “a transitional government” in Syria. This implied Pakistan’s support for moves to oust President Hafez al-Assad. The more recent development is related to a Saudi grant of $1.5bn to the Pakistan Development Fund, which has led to speculations and demands for transparency. Mr Aziz insisted that the Saudi grant had no conditions attached. A governmental clarification was needed to scotch rumours that ranged from two brigades of Pakistani soldiers being sent to Saudi Arabia, to the supply of Pakistan-manufactured arms to anti-Assad forces in Syria. While the adviser on foreign and national security affairs admitted that there indeed was a proposal for exporting arms to the kingdom, Islamabad, he said, would ensure that weapons did not land in Arab conflict zones.
Saudi Arabia and Iran are both oil powers and occupy an important position from the point of view of Pakistan’s economic and geopolitical interests. As a major Arab power with immense financial clout, Saudi Arabia enjoys a privileged position in Pakistan’s eyes, not only because of the hundreds of thousands of Pakistani expatriates working there but also because it is home to two of Islam’s holiest sites. Saudi Arabia has been counted among those countries that have bailed out Pakistan in moments of crises. Iran, on the other hand, is Pakistan’s friend and neighbour, and the two peoples share linguistic and cultural ties. Pakistan thus cannot afford to warm up to one at the expense of the other. This balance needs to be maintained in Pakistan’s ties with the world at large.
Since its inception, this country has often found itself in the eye of international storms because of its strategic location. This is an asset which Pakistan has sometimes exploited to its advantage. Today, when response to terrorism defines world powers’ policies, Islamabad must be clear about its position. All of Pakistan’s neighbours, including friends, have serious complaints about Islamabad’s handling of terrorism and expect a firmer response. It is, therefore, difficult to see how Pakistan can have friendly ties with its neighbours and the world community without taking the terrorists head on. Given the nutcracker situation in which Pakistan finds itself, the country has to make an extra effort to avoid distortions in relations — whether these are with China, the US or the EU.
Pollution in Pakistani cities
HOW serious a problem air pollution in cities has become is illustrated by the desperate measures Parisian authorities resorted to on Monday, when they banned from the roads all vehicles with number plates ending in even numbers. Paris is paying heavily by making public transport and parking free, but this was considered necessary because air pollution particulate levels had exceeded safety levels. Even at its highest, though, the level of air pollution in the French capital did not reach the levels in the world’s 10 most polluted cities in terms of air particulates. Four of these cities, according to a 2011 WHO report, are in Iran, two in India and — unsurprisingly — three in Pakistan: Quetta, Peshawar and Lahore, in that order by decreasing levels of air particulate pollution. If that sounds bad, the cumulative reality is far worse: cities have many other forms of pollution too, from sewage and effluents to garbage poisoning land, air and water. If all forms of pollution were taken into consideration, even casual anecdotal evidence would suggest that several of Pakistan’s cities would figure prominently on the list.
HOW serious a problem air pollution in cities has become is illustrated by the desperate measures Parisian authorities resorted to on Monday, when they banned from the roads all vehicles with number plates ending in even numbers. Paris is paying heavily by making public transport and parking free, but this was considered necessary because air pollution particulate levels had exceeded safety levels. Even at its highest, though, the level of air pollution in the French capital did not reach the levels in the world’s 10 most polluted cities in terms of air particulates. Four of these cities, according to a 2011 WHO report, are in Iran, two in India and — unsurprisingly — three in Pakistan: Quetta, Peshawar and Lahore, in that order by decreasing levels of air particulate pollution. If that sounds bad, the cumulative reality is far worse: cities have many other forms of pollution too, from sewage and effluents to garbage poisoning land, air and water. If all forms of pollution were taken into consideration, even casual anecdotal evidence would suggest that several of Pakistan’s cities would figure prominently on the list.
The fact is that Pakistan has never really accorded environmental pollution any sort of priority, let alone made a concerted effort to address the problem. Consider the fact that even where the trouble has been taken to devise legislation and formulate sets of supervisory codes and standard operating procedures, in practice polluters are more often than not allowed to carry on with their activities unchecked. From time to time, public outrage or privately instituted legal action has forced piecemeal efforts — an environmental impact assessment for a project in Karachi, clearing Islamabad of allergy-inducing paper mulberry trees — in this direction. But hardly any measure has so far indicated that the state has noticed the speed at which pollution is overtaking the country. This needs to be urgently rectified. Pollution is not just about towns and cities looking pristine, it is also about severely compromised public health and the huge additional burden this aspect places on state resources. As the West is realising, pollution levies immediate costs in tangible terms. Pakistan, and the region at large, need to take serious steps, individually and collectively, to face up to the challenge.
More jirga ‘justice’
BARBARIC customs die hard, and when state representatives are either involved in perpetuating them or look the other way, there are slim chances these practices will be eliminated. Much has been written about the detestable practice of karo-kari, or honour killing, in Sindh; yet despite legal provisions against it little change has been witnessed on the ground. As reported on Tuesday, a jirga held in Wazirabad town of Sindh’s Shikarpur district recently passed a decision in a karo-kari case. Two women of the Mahar tribe had allegedly been killed by their parents for having ‘illicit relations’ with men of the Jagirani tribe. The Jagiranis were fined a total of Rs2.4m for ‘kidnapping’ and ‘having illicit relations’ with the women. The jirga was apparently held to settle a potentially explosive tribal dispute, but while both parties accepted its decision, astonishingly, no one was penalised for murdering the women. Even more shocking, an MNA, the PML-F’s Ghous Baksh Mahar, presided over the jirga.
BARBARIC customs die hard, and when state representatives are either involved in perpetuating them or look the other way, there are slim chances these practices will be eliminated. Much has been written about the detestable practice of karo-kari, or honour killing, in Sindh; yet despite legal provisions against it little change has been witnessed on the ground. As reported on Tuesday, a jirga held in Wazirabad town of Sindh’s Shikarpur district recently passed a decision in a karo-kari case. Two women of the Mahar tribe had allegedly been killed by their parents for having ‘illicit relations’ with men of the Jagirani tribe. The Jagiranis were fined a total of Rs2.4m for ‘kidnapping’ and ‘having illicit relations’ with the women. The jirga was apparently held to settle a potentially explosive tribal dispute, but while both parties accepted its decision, astonishingly, no one was penalised for murdering the women. Even more shocking, an MNA, the PML-F’s Ghous Baksh Mahar, presided over the jirga.
Why was an MNA, who represents a lawmaking forum, involved in the promotion of jirga ‘justice’, when laws passed by the august house he is a part of have seemingly been violated? Not only has the Supreme Court declared the holding of jirgas unconstitutional, honour killings also contravene the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2004. But how can such a law be enforced when lawmakers themselves are involved in promoting illegal acts? There are also reports that other government officials in upper Sindh quietly support the jirga mechanism to settle disputes. True, such a forum has its utility when it comes to resolving local disputes, especially when the judicial system is notoriously inefficient. But what is totally unacceptable is when these forums condone crimes such as murder and kidnapping. Police authorities have reportedly launched a probe into the Shikarpur incident. For this deplorable practice to be eliminated, the state needs to take action against all those who commit and abet honour killings, despite their connections and clout.
Communalism in Sindh
THE sad reality in today’s Pakistan is that religion can easily be exploited to fuel the flames of communalism. The unfortunate events that transpired in Larkana over the weekend amply reflect this. The circumstances were similar to numerous other incidents that have occurred across the country: rumours of the desecration of religious material or blasphemy — often unsubstantiated — spread like wildfire, leading to mob violence directed at members of minority communities or even Muslims in some cases. In this instance, violence flared in the Sindh town after rumours spread on Saturday that a Hindu man had allegedly desecrated the Holy Quran. In reaction, a dharamshala was set ablaze while statues of Hindu deities were also damaged. The violence spilled over into Balochistan’s Nasirabad and Jaffarabad districts, where protesters tried to attack temples. Quick reaction by the law enforcers prevented the rioters from entering Hindu localities, though some shops belonging to the minority community were set on fire. What makes these events all the more ugly is the fact they occurred in the run-up to Holi festivities.
THE sad reality in today’s Pakistan is that religion can easily be exploited to fuel the flames of communalism. The unfortunate events that transpired in Larkana over the weekend amply reflect this. The circumstances were similar to numerous other incidents that have occurred across the country: rumours of the desecration of religious material or blasphemy — often unsubstantiated — spread like wildfire, leading to mob violence directed at members of minority communities or even Muslims in some cases. In this instance, violence flared in the Sindh town after rumours spread on Saturday that a Hindu man had allegedly desecrated the Holy Quran. In reaction, a dharamshala was set ablaze while statues of Hindu deities were also damaged. The violence spilled over into Balochistan’s Nasirabad and Jaffarabad districts, where protesters tried to attack temples. Quick reaction by the law enforcers prevented the rioters from entering Hindu localities, though some shops belonging to the minority community were set on fire. What makes these events all the more ugly is the fact they occurred in the run-up to Holi festivities.
Though extremism has not affected Sindh on the same level it has other parts of Pakistan, it has nevertheless made inroads in a land known for its Sufi culture and plurality. In the recent past, there have been several incidents that point to the growing impact of extremism. These include the alleged abductions and forced conversion of Hindu women, as well as the disinterment of bodies of Hindu men from cemeteries containing graves of both Hindus and Muslims. Sectarian outfits have also been active in the province. But as the weekend’s incidents show, despite the violence the administration was quick to move in and calm things down, though it could be argued that it was not quick enough, or else the dharamshala and other vandalised property could have been saved. Yet when matters as sensitive as religion are involved and in situations where the mob can play judge, jury and executioner, a stronger effort needs to be made by the state and society to work for communal harmony.
Political parties, especially the PPP, that have influence in Sindh as well as civil society must be on their guard to prevent extremism from further poisoning Sindh’s culture. Everyone from the prime minister and the PPP chief on down have condemned the incident and called for steps to protect minorities. But the state’s focus must be on the source of trouble. The administration must take firm action against the elements that try and stir up religious hatred while community and religious leaders need to work to promote harmony and isolate communalists. There is still time and hope that Sindh will preserve its pluralistic traditions. The province’s rulers must remember that if the forces working to spread extremist thought are left unchallenged, Sindh’s complexion may well change — and sooner than they expect.
YouTube blockade
IT was on Sept 12, 2012, that the then prime minister ordered the Pakistan Telecommunications Authority to take action regarding an offensive video uploaded on YouTube. Some other countries felt similarly and a handful, including Egypt and India, invoked international agreements to have Google, YouTube’s parent company, remove access to this video from within their borders, leaving the rest of the site intact. But Pakistan, lacking both the paperwork to achieve this and the technological ability to selectively filter internet content, resorted to blocking access to YouTube in its entirety. Since then, there has been much back and forth over the issue, with several assurances that the site would be restored. Indeed, on one occasion this was very briefly done, only for cravenness to set in again. On Sunday, however, Information Minister Pervez Rashid said that the ban would soon be lifted.
IT was on Sept 12, 2012, that the then prime minister ordered the Pakistan Telecommunications Authority to take action regarding an offensive video uploaded on YouTube. Some other countries felt similarly and a handful, including Egypt and India, invoked international agreements to have Google, YouTube’s parent company, remove access to this video from within their borders, leaving the rest of the site intact. But Pakistan, lacking both the paperwork to achieve this and the technological ability to selectively filter internet content, resorted to blocking access to YouTube in its entirety. Since then, there has been much back and forth over the issue, with several assurances that the site would be restored. Indeed, on one occasion this was very briefly done, only for cravenness to set in again. On Sunday, however, Information Minister Pervez Rashid said that the ban would soon be lifted.
This is welcome news. Less encouraging, though, is the proposal of how this would be achieved. Mr Rashid said that software had been developed to filter out content. This leads in a dangerous direction. First, who is to say what might be deemed inappropriate by this or any future government? The sphere of what Pakistanis are not permitted to access online can grow at any time and by any degree, seriously jeopardising internet freedoms and civil liberties. We have not forgotten, after all, the scramble that the government of the day was thrown into when a video appearing to show a certain political party stuff ballot boxes went viral. Second, the software may well also allow the government to snoop on people’s private online lives. Much more wisdom lies in sorting out the paperwork. One is the signing of a Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty with the US (since Google is a US-based company), so that Pakistan’s laws are given due consideration in such matters. Another is to formulate legislation on liability in terms of objectionable content uploaded by private users, which would pave the way for companies such as Google to localise. This matter has been touched upon by the Cyber Crimes Bill, on which the state has been working for some two years. Without doubt YouTube must be made accessible, but healthier mechanisms should be adopted to make it so.
Unsightly and illegal
ENCROACHMENTS on public or protected land are unhappily hardly a surprise anymore. But when it happens in the nation’s capital in the protected Margalla Hills National Park right in the vicinity of a so-called model village and a stone’s throw from the city and country’s administrators, something is truly awry. As reported in this newspaper yesterday, the CDA has belatedly woken up to the encroachments in the foothills of the Margallas where illegal homes have been built by land grabbers in full view of all — and there are many, many people who visit the area for recreational purposes and sightseeing — who pass by everyday. The problem in this instance is not just that the homes are illegally built, but that trees have been mercilessly chopped down to clear space and, if the homes are left standing, surely more people will be tempted to try and set up their own homes there.
ENCROACHMENTS on public or protected land are unhappily hardly a surprise anymore. But when it happens in the nation’s capital in the protected Margalla Hills National Park right in the vicinity of a so-called model village and a stone’s throw from the city and country’s administrators, something is truly awry. As reported in this newspaper yesterday, the CDA has belatedly woken up to the encroachments in the foothills of the Margallas where illegal homes have been built by land grabbers in full view of all — and there are many, many people who visit the area for recreational purposes and sightseeing — who pass by everyday. The problem in this instance is not just that the homes are illegally built, but that trees have been mercilessly chopped down to clear space and, if the homes are left standing, surely more people will be tempted to try and set up their own homes there.
Of course, in the wealthy precincts of Islamabad, land grabbing is not the exclusive, or even main, preserve of the less well-off. Area after area and neighbourhood after neighbourhood has seen the private developer winning against the environment, especially designated public areas and even basic building laws to carve out expensive and large homes for those who can afford them. Rarely, if ever, are the wealthy residents of the capital acted against, leaving the more vulnerable and economically less well-off to bear the brunt of state action. While Islamabad may look more organised and better administered than much of the rest of urban Pakistan, the truth is that the federal capital has an administrative structure that is totally unresponsive to the needs of a city with a population estimated to be in the range of 1.5m. Run like a fiefdom by bureaucrats and lorded over by an autocratic interior minister with immense responsibilities and burdens of his own, keeping Islamabad green, clean and responsive to the needs of its denizens ought to be the job of an elected council.
Interest rate retained
IT seems that the State Bank of Pakistan considers the recent improvements in various headline economic variables insufficient to lower its key policy rate from 10pc, at least for now. Even a significant drop in consumer prices and a strong rally by the rupee have failed to convince the bank to take the risk of cutting the interest rate. Whether the bank has acted cautiously or its decision is influenced by the harsh conditions of the $6.7bn IMF loan, it must have upset the business community, particularly textile exporters. Indeed, most exporters wanted the bank (and the government) to share the spoils of an appreciating exchange rate with them by cutting the cost of borrowing. Probably the SBP did not want to oblige them immediately. Or, maybe, it believes that the abrupt 6pc revaluation of the rupee since the beginning of this month has not affected their competitiveness much. In either case, it has disappointed exporters who have lost billions of rupees because of the currency revaluation.
IT seems that the State Bank of Pakistan considers the recent improvements in various headline economic variables insufficient to lower its key policy rate from 10pc, at least for now. Even a significant drop in consumer prices and a strong rally by the rupee have failed to convince the bank to take the risk of cutting the interest rate. Whether the bank has acted cautiously or its decision is influenced by the harsh conditions of the $6.7bn IMF loan, it must have upset the business community, particularly textile exporters. Indeed, most exporters wanted the bank (and the government) to share the spoils of an appreciating exchange rate with them by cutting the cost of borrowing. Probably the SBP did not want to oblige them immediately. Or, maybe, it believes that the abrupt 6pc revaluation of the rupee since the beginning of this month has not affected their competitiveness much. In either case, it has disappointed exporters who have lost billions of rupees because of the currency revaluation.
There is no doubt that investor confidence in the economy seems to be rising as indicated by the strong growth in large-scale manufacturing and pick-up in the private credit off-take in recent months. The question is whether the government has what it takes to sustain this confidence and maintain the momentum. If the bank’s monetary policy statement discounts the exporters’ assessment of their losses, it is also not very confident of the sustainability of the economic achievements made so far unless the government takes some tough actions to keep it on the right track. The monetary policy statement has noted that almost all major economic indicators have moved in the desired direction over the past few months. But it also warned that the economy still faces many challenges despite positive developments in headline variables like the reduction in fiscal deficit and CPI inflation and improvement in forex reserves etc.
While conceding that the $1.5bn loan from some Gulf countries has helped shore up reserves and appreciate the rupee, it rightly pointed out that the “reliance on one-off inflows and foreign loans may only provide short-term stability”. Long-term economic stability and growth sustainability largely hinge on a higher share of private financial flows, reduction in trade deficit by pushing exports and containing imports and implementation of structural reforms, including but not limited to privatisation of state-owned enterprises and increase in tax collection at the earliest. In the near future, however, the realisation of the anticipated bilateral and multilateral foreign inflows during the last quarter of the present fiscal remains crucial to accumulating foreign exchange and hold down the deficit. Until that happens, it will be impractical to expect the bank to cut the borrowing cost.
Problematic law
As has been argued in this space before, the so-called blasphemy law as it currently exists on Pakistan’s law books is open to misuse. There is more than enough evidence of this, from it being used as a tool to settle personal rivalries to being invoked to create panic in communities so that people with malicious intentions may seize their land or properties. There have been horrifying cases where, even before the law enforcers got involved or at times despite their intervention, suspicions of blasphemy have led to lynch mobs and violence, as seen in Larkana on Saturday. One incident that comes immediately to mind is that involving Junaid Ahmed in 2011, a Chakwal seminary student whose actions were misunderstood by a passer-by and who was severely beaten by the angry mob that tends to gather whenever such an allegation is made, before being arrested. In point of technicality, the law serves to protect all religions, but is actually invoked only by the majority, not just against non-Muslims but against Muslims too. The fact of the matter is that the existence of this law in its open-to-abuse form lends legitimacy to the actions of those who would take the law into their own hands. It is time for parliament to examine Section 295-C, and take whatever steps are necessary to stop its misuse.
As has been argued in this space before, the so-called blasphemy law as it currently exists on Pakistan’s law books is open to misuse. There is more than enough evidence of this, from it being used as a tool to settle personal rivalries to being invoked to create panic in communities so that people with malicious intentions may seize their land or properties. There have been horrifying cases where, even before the law enforcers got involved or at times despite their intervention, suspicions of blasphemy have led to lynch mobs and violence, as seen in Larkana on Saturday. One incident that comes immediately to mind is that involving Junaid Ahmed in 2011, a Chakwal seminary student whose actions were misunderstood by a passer-by and who was severely beaten by the angry mob that tends to gather whenever such an allegation is made, before being arrested. In point of technicality, the law serves to protect all religions, but is actually invoked only by the majority, not just against non-Muslims but against Muslims too. The fact of the matter is that the existence of this law in its open-to-abuse form lends legitimacy to the actions of those who would take the law into their own hands. It is time for parliament to examine Section 295-C, and take whatever steps are necessary to stop its misuse.
Assault on protesting nurses
WE are frequently reminded that, despite the many encouraging developments in the last few years, Pakistan still has a long way to go on the road to democracy. The violence unleashed against the nurses by the police in Lahore on Friday was evidence yet again that there is scant respect for the rights that are part and parcel of a democratic system. The nurses had been staging a sit-in since four days on Egerton Road to prevail upon the Punjab government to regularise their services. Finding that their agitation had so far made no impact, they decided to up the ante by moving their protest camp to Mall Road, a more central artery of the city, which caused a disruption of traffic. That was when the police sought to disperse them with a shocking display of force, thrashing the women so severely with their batons that a number of them had to be rushed to hospital with head and bone injuries. Even a seven-month pregnant nurse was not spared; the assault left her with abdominal bleeding and related complications, although doctors said her baby had fortunately suffered no harm.
WE are frequently reminded that, despite the many encouraging developments in the last few years, Pakistan still has a long way to go on the road to democracy. The violence unleashed against the nurses by the police in Lahore on Friday was evidence yet again that there is scant respect for the rights that are part and parcel of a democratic system. The nurses had been staging a sit-in since four days on Egerton Road to prevail upon the Punjab government to regularise their services. Finding that their agitation had so far made no impact, they decided to up the ante by moving their protest camp to Mall Road, a more central artery of the city, which caused a disruption of traffic. That was when the police sought to disperse them with a shocking display of force, thrashing the women so severely with their batons that a number of them had to be rushed to hospital with head and bone injuries. Even a seven-month pregnant nurse was not spared; the assault left her with abdominal bleeding and related complications, although doctors said her baby had fortunately suffered no harm.
Meaningless ceasefire
ISLAMABAD, Peshawar and Quetta — all attacked after the outlawed TTP declared a ceasefire and all claimed by a so-called, previously unknown TTP splinter group, Ahrarul Hind. And still the government and the TTP are continuing with their dialogue-as-usual process. There are two separate sets of questions here, addressed to the PML-N government and the TTP. Start with the TTP. If a splinter group with national reach is implausible enough, the modus operandi of the Ahrarul Hind-claimed attacks has all the hallmarks of a TTP hit. Why then should the TTP’s claim that it has nothing to do with the attack be accepted without any proof? At the very least, given that even the TTP is not denying that the elements that constitute the Ahrarul Hind today were at some point a part of the TTP network, the militant group should be in a position to explain who this group is, how it operates and where its members are.
ISLAMABAD, Peshawar and Quetta — all attacked after the outlawed TTP declared a ceasefire and all claimed by a so-called, previously unknown TTP splinter group, Ahrarul Hind. And still the government and the TTP are continuing with their dialogue-as-usual process. There are two separate sets of questions here, addressed to the PML-N government and the TTP. Start with the TTP. If a splinter group with national reach is implausible enough, the modus operandi of the Ahrarul Hind-claimed attacks has all the hallmarks of a TTP hit. Why then should the TTP’s claim that it has nothing to do with the attack be accepted without any proof? At the very least, given that even the TTP is not denying that the elements that constitute the Ahrarul Hind today were at some point a part of the TTP network, the militant group should be in a position to explain who this group is, how it operates and where its members are.
Given the murky world of militancy in which cross-pollination between various strands and tactical cooperation are known to take place regularly, it could well be that the Ahrarul Hind has linked up with the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi, for example, and is making use of the latter’s national reach. But even if that should prove to be the case, surely the TTP will have information that can help the state clamp down on this so-called splinter group bent on continuing with violence. A ceasefire can only prove meaningful if the TTP does all in its power to ensure that its present and former constituent units are abiding by its terms. If a group steps out of line and the TTP simply says that it remains committed to dialogue and upholding the ceasefire, that cannot be an acceptable state of affairs. The government has already seen that when it takes a firm line, the militant group does respond — as it does when it senses weakness on the government’s part.
For the government, the original and more fundamental questions about its peace-through-dialogue approach have returned again — and remain, as ever, unanswered. Ahrarul Hind, if it is a real and separate group with its own agenda, has sprouted into existence because of the state’s long-running tolerance for and accommodation of militant groups. From the very beginning, when the state first began to sponsor non-state actors, it was apparent that splinter groups and new branches — invariably more virulent and violent than the parent organisation — would proliferate. The problem, then, is not the splinter groups but the state’s willingness to treat militant groups as legitimate stakeholders. The PML-N’s dialogue mantra will ultimately be just a slightly more nuanced form of the policy of appeasement if it allows militancy to coexist with the state structure inside Pakistan. That hasn’t worked in the past and it won’t work now either.
A new direction
Changes have been attempted, but it has been argued that not enough has been done, while it will take time before results are visible in society. The new curriculum was introduced in 2006, but has not yet been fully implemented. Some experts familiar with the changes feel the new textbooks are a positive departure from the regressive matter taught in the past though there is still material that distorts history and can be described as hate-mongering. Post-devolution, the provinces must take up the gauntlet and introduce curricula infused with a progressive spirit that emphasises learning and encourages tolerance. Misleading interpretations of history only end up confusing young minds and add to the prevailing ignorance.
Changes have been attempted, but it has been argued that not enough has been done, while it will take time before results are visible in society. The new curriculum was introduced in 2006, but has not yet been fully implemented. Some experts familiar with the changes feel the new textbooks are a positive departure from the regressive matter taught in the past though there is still material that distorts history and can be described as hate-mongering. Post-devolution, the provinces must take up the gauntlet and introduce curricula infused with a progressive spirit that emphasises learning and encourages tolerance. Misleading interpretations of history only end up confusing young minds and add to the prevailing ignorance.
The competition begins
Columns and Articles
Degrees of non-separation
HOW is the recent appreciation of the rupee linked, if at all, to the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) suing for ‘peace’ talks? Or, what possible connection, for that matter, could the TTP have with Pakistan’s English-speaking elite? And, why do many commentators have a sinking feeling even about the economic underpinnings of the rupee rise?
HOW is the recent appreciation of the rupee linked, if at all, to the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) suing for ‘peace’ talks? Or, what possible connection, for that matter, could the TTP have with Pakistan’s English-speaking elite? And, why do many commentators have a sinking feeling even about the economic underpinnings of the rupee rise?
Like in the concept of ‘six degrees of separation’, which postulates that virtually everyone is linked to anyone else on the globe in six steps or connections or less, the strands emerging from the unexpected recent strength of the rupee appear to link seemingly unconnected events and places: far-off Syria to badlands closer to home, such as North Waziristan; the reshaping of regional power blocs in the Middle East and a deepening confrontation within the Islamic world, to the suing for peace talks by TTP militants. In perhaps a less obvious manner, the management of the rupee can offer an insight into how the Pakistani elite views fundamental reform — and how the English-speaking power elite have managed, or mismanaged, the economy, state and society.
But, first things first. Let me dispel the impression that I do not credit Finance Minister Ishaq Dar’s efforts at stabilising the economy and the rupee at a difficult time. As I have said in some TV interviews, since the rupee wrong-footed speculators and appreciated rapidly, it takes leadership, commitment and skill to manage the exchange rate on low — and declining — foreign exchange reserves, and the credit for this goes not just to the finance minister and his team at the ministry of finance, but also those at the State Bank of Pakistan who worked tirelessly behind the scenes.
Secret deposits, loans or grants from friendly countries, with or without strings attached, are only part of the explanation for averting a nasty situation where the rupee would have been in freefall. However, without in any way detracting from the government’s achievement at stabilising the economic situation, it is a fact that Pakistan has been here many times before — stabilising the economy for a short period on the back of an IMF programme or other bilateral and/or multilateral largesse. What it has failed to do is move beyond stabilisation based on ‘financing’ to meaningful and credible ‘adjustment’.
In fact, some commentators (including myself) have argued that Pakistan needs ‘tough love’ for a few years, where external financing runs out and the country’s power elites are forced to manage the way other responsible nations have — by undertaking the structural reforms that have eluded us far too long.
The way Pakistan has been managed since virtually its birth raises other disturbing questions. The Taliban or their ilk have not ruled Pakistan for even a single day in the past 67 years (thank God for that!). So who has brought Pakistan to this sorry state of affairs?
The embarrassing answer: a foreign-educated, English-speaking elite, for the most part. While many would be quick to lay the blame for the mess we are in to policies pursued during Gen Ziaul Haq’s period in power, there is little to show for the periods before and after as well, notwithstanding the dominance of an Oxbridge elite at the helm.
If Pakistan’s predicament and its secular decline as a state can be summed up in one development, it is the decay of its institutions. The atrophying of institutions in Pakistan has served the interests of successive generations of the country’s power elites very well — but it has also created the space, with or without active collusion, for the rise of powerful non-state actors. In that sense, today’s challenge from the TTP and other militant groups can be viewed through the prism of a challenge for power and privilege by one set of elites against another (assuming, of course, that groups like the TTP are entirely home-grown — which we know is not the case.)
This line of reasoning also raises another disturbing question: even if a durable ‘peace’ were to be reached with the TTP, what will change in the larger scheme of things? Would Pakistan be governed any differently by its power elites? Would lessons be learnt, and governance improve, and ‘rule of law’ established by the creation of strong and credible institutions? Or, would continued mis-governance create another powerful contender down the road to challenge today’s ruling elites?
We move on to some of the other questions raised at the beginning. On the external front, a flurry of developments have coincided to produce a few remarkable outcomes. High-level visits from, and to, Saudi Arabia (and now Bahrain) have coincided with an about-turn in Pakistan’s foreign policy position viz Syria. In addition, without any apparent military pressure on it, the TTP suddenly showed willingness to negotiate over the past few months. And then, a mystery ‘gift’ of $1.5bn appears, strengthening the rupee. We are told more ‘gifts’ are to come our way — but under what conditions we do not know.
In the backdrop to all this, is the emergence of three contending regional power blocs in the Middle East: Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Bahrain in one corner; Qatar and Turkey in another; Iran, Iraq, Syria and Hezbollah in the third. Pakistan would do well to avoid being sucked into any of these. A loss of neutrality in an increasingly ugly conflagration in the region is not in its interest — economic or otherwise.
The writer is a former economic adviser to government, and currently heads a macroeconomic consultancy based in Islamabad.
National hush-up
IN his racy debut novel, The Prisoner, Omer Shahid Hamid provides an insider, fictionalised, account of the workings of the Karachi police. A few of the most engaging passages in the book relate to Murtaza Bhutto’s last days.
IN his racy debut novel, The Prisoner, Omer Shahid Hamid provides an insider, fictionalised, account of the workings of the Karachi police. A few of the most engaging passages in the book relate to Murtaza Bhutto’s last days.
Hamid draws upon info and rumours long doing the rounds, but he leaves the audience huffing in a cloud of confusion when the scene of the actual killing is re-enacted. Even in fiction, the incident is blurred beyond easy comprehension.
Maybe that was how it happened, maybe not.
In another killing, another debut novel, a few years ago, Mohammed Hanif gave the more vengeful among us cause for some contentment. He had to be at his imaginative best to create the illusion of a young air force man succeeding in poisoning the general just before the explosion over Bahawalpur in August 1988.
Hanif’s (reassuring) scenario about the abilities of the common Pakistani to down an aggressor was an exception to the general rule in the country. Mysteries abound in this land, and once they are here, they are here to stay. They take permanent root, they grow thick and they branch out with time.
More than 60 years ago, an investigator of the calibre of Saadat Hasan Manto could do little more than raise ‘pertinent’ questions about the assassination of prime minister Liaqat Ali Khan. And three and a half decades after his assassination, we are open to various versions of how Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was killed. There is as yet no single, authoritative account that would be ‘generally’ acceptable to the people of Pakistan.
Bhutto’s daughter, Benazir, was murdered in the full glare of the cameras. That was altogether a different age compared to the one lived by the father. There had to be clues but all that is available are many theories leading to many assassins.
The most painful part of it relates to how Benazir Bhutto was actually killed: was that a bullet or a bomb or was it the impact of the explosion that caused her death? It was a repulsive sight when, on Dec 28, 2007, a military man sat relating his facts about how Benazir’s head had hit hard against her vehicle’s roof under the impact of the bomb.
It was if the spokesman thought that those responsible were only responsible for creating the circumstances for BB’s death. If anyone had thought that stronger democracy and sharper media focus and freer flow of information would ensure clearer answers in future, he was badly mistaken.
On March 6, 2014, Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan announced that “Additional Session(s) Judge Rafaqat Awan, who was killed in the attack on the district courts in Islamabad on Monday (March 3), was shot by his own guard”.
Chaudhry Nisar “revealed that judge Awan had suffered three bullet wounds when his guard impulsively fired his weapon as explosions occurred nearby”. And “[h]e cautioned members of the Assembly against ‘rushing to conclusions’ as it interferes with ongoing investigations, and assured them that perpetrators will be found and brought to justice.”
There is no need anybody should be overreacting here. Pakistanis are all so used to the investigators taking their time and seldom, if ever, coming up with a good enough explanation, of course, other than the one which absolves attackers of killing and blames them for merely contributing to a fatal accident.
But let’s not rush. It could well have happened exactly the way Chaudhry Nisar says it did. He could not even be suggesting a lesser charge on the attackers than they actually deserve. The point is that as inhabitants of a permanent locale of fatal occurrences bizarre, we are all so bereft of the energy and the resolve to find out. We are probably too scared to find out.
When we are not scared, we are too grateful to ask. We are too shy to talk about the fairy who tiptoes in and places a small gift of $1.5 billion under our pillow. That was divine, almost, as finance minister Ishaq Dar tells us we should only be concerned with the fruit and leave the counting of the benevolent tree to state functionaries such as his good self.
Even when the source is finally disclosed, mystery must prevail; Pakistanis are not to be too worried about the seed this cash gift is going to sow in our fertile land. Every important man in the government is out to shout down the ungrateful souls amongst us who have the cheek and a wayward mind to view the Saudi package with suspicion. Sartaj Aziz says we can keep a balance between Saudi Arabia and Iran and this should be answer enough for us.
It is in Pakistan’s national interest to keep the cash gift, its purposes et al, under wraps. But mystery must also permeate whatever else is undertaken by the state and the governments in this beloved land of ours. Thus, there is no clear word by the government when the Taliban ask for the release of women and children as a goodwill gesture to boost talks between the militants and the state.
Is that, again, another matter the truth about which would be too heavy a burden for our weak disposition? Cropping up next would be the death of children in Thar, or the suicide by an alleged rape victim in Kot Addu or the beating of nurses in Lahore — all wrapped in traditional Pakistani ambiguity. We will never know who is responsible for what.
The writer is Dawn’s resident editor in Lahore.
Of heroes and villains
SOME 33 years ago, at the height of Gen Ziaul Haq’s terror, three professors teaching at Quaid-i-Azam University were arrested for ‘subversion’ against the military government. The first of the three to be picked up from the campus premises was a computer science PhD in his late 20s by the name of Jamil Omar. His crime: the distribution of a newsletter entitled Jamhoori Pakistan.
SOME 33 years ago, at the height of Gen Ziaul Haq’s terror, three professors teaching at Quaid-i-Azam University were arrested for ‘subversion’ against the military government. The first of the three to be picked up from the campus premises was a computer science PhD in his late 20s by the name of Jamil Omar. His crime: the distribution of a newsletter entitled Jamhoori Pakistan.
Omar and his ‘accomplices’ spent the rest of the Zia years in the infamous Lahore Fort and other jails across the country. They were tortured, denied due process and slandered as enemies of Pakistan and Islam. There were thousands more like them, and more than three decades later we still await justice for the innumerable victims of the most brutal dictatorship in Pakistan’s history.
Earlier this week Prof Jamil Omar passed away in Lahore, barely 60 years old. No heroic obituaries were published in major Pakistani dailies and none of our ubiquitous talk-show hosts dedicated a programme to his and his comrades’ sacrifices. These ‘villains’ never received any tamghas or sitaras. They remain largely anonymous, even in death.
Of course, it all makes perfect sense. Leftist radicals who have spent their lives trying to foment progressive social change in this country have always been criminalised. At best they have been co-opted after death, made into apolitical symbols of state nationalism, the very same straw men these radicals spent their lives challenging. Faiz Ahmed Faiz and Habib Jalib are the most prominent examples.
Meanwhile, rightist radicals are unqualified heroes both in life and death. They are depicted as paragons of justice and morality, the most principled defenders of the land of the pure. Absurdly, their unapologetic commitment to ideologies of hate guarantees them elevated social status and a permanent audience with the powers-that-be.
Things have changed, to an extent. The fact that I am writing this piece is evidence of this. Yet it would be naïve to assume that the state and its ideologues in the media, educational institutions, religious establishment and elsewhere in society are any more tolerant of dissident views than in the past. Leftist radicals neither pose the kind of threat nor face the same brutality they did when arch-conservatives like Reagan, Thatcher and Zia set the terms of the political debate. Overt repression like in the 1980s is therefore uncommon.
Let us also not ignore the tremendous ideological contradictions within which the Pakistani state has managed to wrangle itself. During the Zia years, the mujahideen were still the world’s most loved freedom fighters and the forces of ‘Islam’ and the ‘West’ on the same side in a holy crusade of the ‘ahl-i-kitab’ against godless communists. As we know, the contemporary situation is less rosy for previously united and hegemonic rightists.
It is no longer possible to reject the ‘democracy’ for which tens of thousands of progressives have made countless sacrifices. Ayub Khan insisted that democratic norms were incompatible with our climate and societal ethos while Zia insisted that the imperative of Islamisation trumped democracy and just about everything else. Present-day rulers cannot get away with such hogwash, no matter how much they may harbour anti-democratic sentiments.
Certainly leftist radicals might even have been tolerated in the past if their vision of democracy was not such a departure from what is accepted in the liberal mainstream. It was, and is, the fact that the left talks of democracy not in the formal legal and political sense but in terms of socialising the means of production and eliminating age-old social hierarchies that make its agenda so abominable to state and capital.
Notwithstanding contemporary political correctness, there is no reason to believe that there will never again be large-scale state repression against leftist radicals, whether in this country or elsewhere. Of course, a great deal depends on the extent to which the left maintains a commitment to a revolutionary as opposed to a reformist programme, and whether or not it is able to muster the organic bases of support necessary to make such a programme practicable.
Regardless of what happens in the future, we must not forget our past. Today pro-establishment intellectuals, media persons and politicians present themselves as defenders of democracy.
Only yesterday they were hand-in-glove with the self-proclaimed guardians of Pakistan’s ideological frontiers in their suppression of progressives whose dedication to the emancipation of this country’s long-suffering people was, and is, second to none.
Some of them have now passed on, while others still live with the scars of tyrannical dictatorships. It is they who deserve to be called our heroes. It is they who give us reason to believe that the world can be changed.
The writer teaches at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.
Game of death
THE long trek by troubled Baloch families from Quetta to Karachi and then from Karachi to Islamabad to highlight the missing persons issue, reflects the general agony, impatience and anxiety of the Baloch public. But who cares?
THE long trek by troubled Baloch families from Quetta to Karachi and then from Karachi to Islamabad to highlight the missing persons issue, reflects the general agony, impatience and anxiety of the Baloch public. But who cares?
In fact, what is also missing is sensitivity, responsibility and seriousness on the part of the state. Before coming to power Nawaz Sharif vociferously raised this issue and blamed the previous PPP government for being apathetic to it. Now in government, he has done little to bring solace to the aggrieved families of the missing. This is how politics works.
The march by the Voice of Baloch Missing Persons (VBMP) was a democratic protest against extra-judicial detention and killings in Balochistan. The missing persons issue is the outcome of the military handling of the Balochistan problem. Enforced disappearances are fuelling the fires of an insurgency and pushing more and more frustrated youth into the separatist camp.
But it is not only the Baloch insurgents who are frustrated, so is the security establishment that is seeking to quell the insurgency. The ‘kill and dump’ policy is the reflection of this frustration.
The Supreme Court, too, is frustrated over the failure to recover the missing, while the chief minister is disappointed at his inability to stop bullet-riddled bodies surfacing ever so often in the province.
The two-sided game of death continues unabated. On one hand, the separatists are targeting people indiscriminately. By not even sparing women, as in the case of a professor who was killed by an insurgent group, some years ago, the separatists are redefining Baloch culture.
On the other hand, suspected activists are picked up, tortured, killed and dumped by security agencies. Who will decide whether those slaughtered were insurgents or innocent? A court of law can pass a verdict, only if the matter reaches the court and is not decided outside it.
Official data compiled by the home and tribal affairs department of Balochistan estimated some 600 mutilated bodies were found between 2010 and 2013 from different parts of the province. A majority of the bodies are believed to be of Baloch political workers who hailed mostly from the districts of Khuzdar, Kalat, Mastung, Panjgur and Turbat.
Several cases are before the Supreme Court. The official data is, however challenged by the VBMP, which claims that thousands of Baloch have been picked up by the security forces from different parts of the province.
It is the state’s duty to protect its citizens against enforced disappearances. The government’s failure to find the missing or kidnapped is eroding public confidence in state institutions. If the government led by Baloch nationalists does not initiate the dialogue process with the separatists, it will be tantamount to a failure of electoral politics in the province. There will be no end to the conflict while people continue to receive mutilated bodies and mourn the tragic deaths and kidnappings of their dear ones.
But how much authority and power can the civilian chief minister wield over the affairs of the province? What can he do? Though he is backed by the federal government in his efforts to hold talks with the insurgents, the kill and dump policy will continue to destroy every chance of peace.
Balochistan’s anger over the missing persons issue is the anger and frustration of a province that has itself been missing in any national agenda for development, economic progress and social welfare. Despite the fact that it makes up 44pc of the country’s total land mass, it has
been ignored and is still being ignored by those who run this country. The province will soon enter the 10th year of its latest insurgency.
The least developed province has paid heavily in terms of economic slowdown and social chaos thanks to the military operation that was launched in 2005 under the government of Pervez Musharraf. The law and order problem has also aggravated general poverty in the province. It is the poorest of all provinces with 52pc of its population living below the poverty line, according to some estimates.
If Fata is set aside, Balochistan would constitute half the country, which means that a very large swathe of national territory is reeling under poverty, underdevelopment and a blood-drenched separatist insurgency.
It is an endless wait for those whose loved ones go missing and of whom they have no news. The real issue is the dispensation of justice, which is being denied to the province.
The dispensation of justice itself provides a shield against a simmering insurgency. Recovery and production of missing persons in court and discontinuation of the ‘kill and dump’ policy can help restore Baloch confidence in the state’s institutions.
The writer is the author of Economic Development of Balochistan.
Omens of a maelstrom?
THREE apparently unrelated developments point to a groundswell that could ultimately unhinge Pakistan from its democratic moorings.
THREE apparently unrelated developments point to a groundswell that could ultimately unhinge Pakistan from its democratic moorings.
The three happenings are: the Taliban lobby’s campaign to frighten the government into yielding to the extremists, the Saudi gift of a sackful of dollars, and Maulana Shirani’s design to torpedo women’s rights. All three affairs betray a retrogressive mindset.
The local Taliban’s apologists have been mesmerising Mian Nawaz Sharif with visions of an apocalypse if he resists surrender to their clients. They have created such a nerve-wracking climate of fear that the government has lost its sense of purpose. It is searching for plenipotentiaries before finalising its brief and fixing places of engagement without deciding on subjects at issue. The situation may be bad, but any decisions taken in panic will throw Pakistan into the lap of obscurantists.
The huge Saudi gift also will push Pakistan on to the path of regression. Pakistan values its relations with Saudi Arabia but it is impossible to endorse everything the Saudis do at home and abroad. The quid pro quo can be imagined. The British used to say that they absent-mindedly acquired a colony. Pakistan’s bid to become a client state cannot be attributed to absent-mindedness.
Particularly silly are tales about altruistic contributions to Pakistan’s development fund. It is possible that some other rich friend will throw a few dollars into Mr Ishaq Dar’s kitty, just to show we are not beholden to a single patron. The logic of unearned largesse is relentless. Those who fund the Islamic University can throw out a liberal rector. Bhutto walked the rosy path to the Islamic summit; six months later the Ahmadis were declared non-Muslim.
And, in view of the orthodoxy’s pathological aversion to women’s rights, nobody should be surprised at the new edicts of the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII). It wants the provision of the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance that obliges a man seeking a second marriage to get the first wife’s permission removed and the bar to child marriage in the Child Marriage Restraint Act of 1929 struck down.
The family laws have been targeted for 50 years. The most virulent attack came in 1979-1980 when Ziaul Haq wanted the CII to undo the 1961 ordinance. After he had constituted a new council soon after usurping power, Gen Zia asked it to re-examine the family laws. The result is worth recalling.
The CII declined to offer the regime full satisfaction and only modified the terms of protection for women. In place of obliging a man to get his existing wife’s permission before taking a second wife, the council made the second marriage subject to a civil judge’s approval. The judge could forbid a man from having a second wife if he was found to be lacking the means or the character required to keep both wives (or all wives) equally contended, or if he had withheld from the second target information about already having a wife. Violations were punishable.
About child marriage also, the council proposed to replace the bar to minor girls’ marriage with a procedure that allowed child marriage subject to approval by a civil judge. The judge could allow such marriage after being convinced of its justification in the child’s interest.
The first recommendation clearly meant that no one had an unfettered right to take a second wife and ignore the first wife’s interest and the condition of the first wife’s permission could be defended by the same logic that justified intervention by a judge. Likewise, the second recommendation meant restriction on child marriage could be placed in the interest of the child.
Significantly, the law under attack here is the one that had originally been proposed for the protection of Hindu girls and had been made applicable to Muslim girls through the Quaid-i-Azam’s spirited intervention. After describing child marriage as a “grave and horrible evil” and an “inhuman practice”, he had declared that “marriage was a contract under Islamic law” and dared anyone to quote a text “which makes it obligatory on Musalmans that they should get their daughters married at the age of 14.”
However, commenting on the CII recommendations the Law Ministry declared the ordinance of 1961 totally un-Islamic, a “black spot on the radiant face of Islam” and called for its complete abrogation.
The Family Laws Ordinance survived Zia’s regime and it is likely to survive the present ambush, though one cannot say anything about its fate 10-15 years from now.
A pertinent question relates to the timing of Maulana Shirani’s strike. He held his hand while the PPP coalition was in power and raised the issue only when his party had joined the new government and it had come under the Pakistani Taliban’s pressure. Fortunately for women, the Nawaz Sharif government, despite all its faith in the Zia legacy, does not appear to be strong enough to defy the country’s women, and risk becoming an international pariah or losing the GSP Plus euros.
Those calling for the CII’s disbandment, in accordance with Allama Iqbal’s firm rejection of a body of ulema for interfering with parliament’s right to interpret Islamic injunctions, are likely to find that the government is not strong enough to do that either.
Things cannot remain unresolved forever. Sooner or later something must give way. Only a strong women’s movement backed by a powerful alliance of democratic and rational forces will ensure that what goes under is not the people’s ideal of democracy and equity.
Dar’s dollar debut
RUMOUR has it that the rupee has appreciated lately because the government received a $1.5 billion ‘deposit’ from the Saudis and sold a share of those funds in the money markets. Rumour said that the resultant glut of dollars caused a large sell-off by every other category of hoarder since nobody knew how much money the government really had, and where the selling would stop.
RUMOUR has it that the rupee has appreciated lately because the government received a $1.5 billion ‘deposit’ from the Saudis and sold a share of those funds in the money markets. Rumour said that the resultant glut of dollars caused a large sell-off by every other category of hoarder since nobody knew how much money the government really had, and where the selling would stop.
But now that the dust is settling on the whole episode, and the rupee is straining to find its moorings in the scared new world left behind by the crown prince, it appears that rumour may have overstated things a little.
It turns out that none of the money that flew in from our ‘old friends’ was actually sold in the markets. What’s more, it also turns out that the government has actually been purchasing dollars from the money markets over the past couple of months, contrary to expectations of selling. With almost $475 million purchased since February, the quantity compares favourably with the government’s last big foray into the forex market back in the first quarter of its rule, which sparked a large and destabilising depreciation in the currency at the time.
What’s more, some of the forward swap positions have also been unwound, although it’ll be a little while before we know by how much.
The reserve numbers tell a similar story. Foreign exchange reserves held by the State Bank have increased from $3.1bn in February to $4.8bn as of this week.
Likewise with government debt. For five months between August and December of 2013, the government was unable to find anybody willing to go much longer than six months on its paper. Out of 16 T-bill auctions — the government’s main short-term borrowing instrument — that were held in this time period, only four were successful for 12-month maturities. Similarly, the Pakistan Investment Bond (PIB) — the main long-term borrowing instrument — struggled to attract attention from market players in this same period, with amounts realised rarely rising to Rs30bn in the preferred three- to five-year maturities.
Then comes January and suddenly there’s an appetite for longer tenors. One-year T-bills score successfully four times out of five auctions with yields remaining stable. And the PIB auctions see a massive uptick, with almost Rs200bn realised in three-, five- and 10-year maturities in January, and even some activity on 20-year paper! And February sees this confidence level rise further still, with amounts realised rising to almost Rs250bn.
So let’s give credit where credit is due (no pun intended). There is indeed an uptick in the level of confidence in the economy. The appreciation of the rupee owes itself to this development, as does the market’s willingness to move into longer-term government debt. The private sector is borrowing at increasing levels, an important indicator of renewed activity as well.
But there is another matter at hand. The sudden appreciation of the rupee versus the dollar has inspired more than just curiosity. It’s true that the mystery of how exactly this happened has not been solved. It would appear that the sudden rise in the State Bank’s reserves spooked people into thinking that massive selling is about to take place, and they offloaded their dollar holdings in huge quantities to avoid being caught short, sparking a stampede into the rupee.
But it would be naïve to think that the government was nothing more than a passive observer in all of this. After all, it is a little strange that the rise of the rupee stopped exactly once it breached the Rs98 level, precisely where the finance minister had boasted — during a television interview of all things — he would bring the currency. Clearly, sentiment has been used to engineer the appreciation, but sentiment has been egged on by the strong arm of the state, if you catch my drift.
Having pushed the rupee up to 98, how does the finance minister expect to hold it at that level now? And if he intends to keep it there, what are his plans to address the deeper weaknesses in our economy that cause it to burn foreign exchange kind of like a generator burns diesel?
For example, this is how the State Bank puts it in the latest monetary policy announcement: “Reliance on one-off inflows and foreign loans may provide short-term stability, but share of private financial flows need to increase consistently to achieve long-term stability.” Translation: now comes the hard part! A little further down it talks about the growing trade deficit, saying this can be reduced only “by improving efficiency and competitiveness of exports”. Translation: you can’t afford the rupee at this level for very long!
Let’s recall at this point all the angry harangues that Mr Dar and his party colleagues directed towards the Musharraf government for selling Pakistan to a war that they said wasn’t ours, in return for a few dollars in balance of payments support. Let’s also recall their campaign promise to not ask for external aid. And now let’s ask, in fact insist, on finding out why the mystery owner of this $1.5bn ‘deposit’ wants to remain ‘anonymous’, and what other quid pro quo connected with this money also wishes to remain unspoken? It’s time to lift the curtain on Dar’s dollar debut.
The writer is a business journalist and 2013-2014 Pakistan Scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Centre, Washington D.C.
Twitter: @khurramhusain
Cultural terrorism
DESTROYING the imprints of history, culture and tradition can be termed ‘cultural terrorism.’ The recent attacks on cinemas in Peshawar and elsewhere weren’t simply acts of terrorism but also depict the mindset of the attackers: they wish to destroy diversity.
DESTROYING the imprints of history, culture and tradition can be termed ‘cultural terrorism.’ The recent attacks on cinemas in Peshawar and elsewhere weren’t simply acts of terrorism but also depict the mindset of the attackers: they wish to destroy diversity.
Extremists in this part of the world want to not just snatch away the right to life, but also eliminate culture.
The cinema still attracts poor folk. These attacks affect the country’s dying cinema industry while depriving the working class of an easily accessible form of entertainment. But it’s not just the cinemas. Attacks such as those on the Sri Lankan cricket team, on jirgas, funeral processions, shrines, cultural centres, CD shops and singers are all part of cultural terrorism.
Once, Buner and Dabgari in Peshawar were known for the music that floated through the streets. But since 2006, 175 attacks in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa have targeted CD and barber shops. Pashto singer Wazir Khan Afridi, who produced 40 albums, was recently killed in Peshawar. Earlier, popular singers Ghazala Javed and Ayman Udas were killed by their relatives. In 2008, Pashto singer Gulzar Alam was targeted in a gun attack but managed to escape unhurt.
The circle of violence spreads beyond Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and to other spheres of culture and erudition too. Recently, renowned playwright Asghar Nadeem Syed survived a gun attack. Three years ago, the vice-chancellor of the Islamia College University was kidnapped. In 2009, militants attacked Malakand University while in 2010, Dr Farooq, the vice-chancellor of the Swat University and one of the inventors of the Sabaoon component of the de-radicalisation programme was killed by extremists. A dean of Karachi University and a professor of the Gujrat University were also targeted recently.
Until 2008, Swat used to attract thousands of tourists, including foreigners. But the TTP-led insurgency pushed the scenic valley into darkness. The Pakistan Tourism Development Corporation’s Malam Jabba ski resort was bombed and the chair lift was also destroyed. There are more than 855 hotels in Swat valley which used to be a source of employment for more than 40,000 people. During the spell of militancy, all were closed. It is estimated that between 2007 and 2009, the hotel industry in Swat valley suffered a loss of some Rs60 billion.
The hotel industry promotes trade, investment and culture but a decade-long spell of terrorism continues to keep visitors away. Across the country, in Peshawar, Islamabad, Karachi and Gwadar, leading hotels have suffered hits. Meanwhile, the killing of foreign mountain climbers in Nanga Parbat was unprecedented; their slaying in such remote heights is a measure of the extremists’ dedication to an unhappy cause.
In Balochistan, Ziarat — the abode of Baba Kharwari and the place where Mohammad Ali Jinnah spent his last days — was also targeted. By hitting the Ziarat Residency, the militants not only badly damaged the building but also brought grief to every Pakistani. Some quarters rightly termed it “ideological terrorism.” Ziarat is also known as the location of the second-largest juniper forest in the world, and was therefore a tourist destination, too.
Pakistan offers enormous opportunities for religious tourism for Sikhs, Hindus and Buddhists. Places like the Buddhist monastic complex of Takht Bahi (Throne of Origins) in Mardan, Katasraj in Chakwal, Shiv Mandir in Umarkot, Gurdwara Panja Sahib and Nankana Sahib in Punjab would attract many visitors.
But shrines and holy places of the Muslims and others have been attacked. Thirty-five died when the shrine of Data Darbar in Lahore was targeted. Militants have targeted the shrines of Sufi Sheikh Nisa Baba and Sheikh Bahadur Baba in Khyber Agency; the tomb of Haji Sahib Tarangzai in Mohmand Agency was captured and converted into the militants’ headquarters. The list is long indeed. All of this has sorely affected the once rich culture of Pakistan.
The sphere of sport has also suffered. The attack on the Sri Lankan team proved a serious blow to cricket in Pakistan. The Pakistan Cricket Board suffered losses to the tune of some $51.22 million due to foreign teams’ refusal to visit the country.
On the first day of 2010, in Lakki Marwat, a suicide attack on a volleyball match killed 105 people. The attack was a message for young men to participate not in healthy sports but in extremism.
Education helps bring peace. But by 2012, 758 schools had been destroyed by militants, including 640 schools in just the Malakand Division.
Civil society, the media and the government need to protect the country’s cultural diversity. Festivals, art, music and literary activities will guarantee life and peace. We need urgently to save them.
The writer is a deputy inspector general of the police.
The fault in our stars
FROM the very first time I heard about the tragedy in Islamabad, I’ve had a nagging notion.
FROM the very first time I heard about the tragedy in Islamabad, I’ve had a nagging notion.
It is not just the image of the slain district judge being pursued to his chamber where he was shot in cold blood. It is not even the image of Fizza Malik standing proud at her graduation; echoing the feelings of all recent law graduates that stood in her place a mere year ago.
It is the realisation that my own life, and the lives of so many lawyers I know, could have been snatched away just as easily. After all, so many of us have travelled to the same court in Islamabad, appeared before Mr Rafaqat Awan, and stood with the same pride when we finally graduated as lawyers.
This realisation leads to the obvious question as to what differentiated us from them, so that we are alive today, while so many other lawyers perished in the smoke-charred remains of the attack on the Islamabad district courts earlier this month. The answer is so simple, and so bleak, that I’ve had to reconcile myself to the fact that there are no logical alternatives: it is simply that on the days when we were in Islamabad’s courts, the militant groups, TTP or its offspring, weren’t in the mood for bloodshed.
The government, the ministers, whoever in the world is supposed to be responsible for our well-being, keeps sweeping this fact under the rug, but that hardly seems to be enough for us not to notice the glaring bump in the rug that is slowly becoming harder to walk around.
The current status quo is that whenever any lawyer goes to court, he must do so in the hope that the militants will not be looking to flex their trigger finger. Because if they are, clearly we cannot rely on the government to protect us — a government which has never taken the time to train its police force; a government so focused on its Punjab-centric policies that it can ally itself with sectarian monsters; a government so utterly oblivious that, in the attack’s aftermath, it asked the TTP to do something about it.
If any nation wishes to prosper (and shattering frivolous records does not imply prosperity), it has to cross a basic threshold: it must protect those most likely to make a difference. Imagine for a second the premature death of Martin Luther King when he first took a stand.
Our track record is abhorrent when it comes to Malala, to Mukhtaran Mai, but most importantly it is so when it concerns our judiciary.
Why would any district or sessions judge wish to refuse bail to a terrorist when he knows his compatriot in Islamabad was hunted down in his chamber? Why would any high court judge confirm a terrorist’s sentence when he knows his fellow judge in Karachi had his convoy obliterated just because a jihadi felt like it? And why would any young child of Pakistan want to make a difference as a lawyer when he can’t be sure whether he will be gunned down before he even has the chance to receive his licence to practice in the mail?
Our quality of life cannot be dependent on the whims of terrorists. We should not have to go to work fearing that today some radical will wake up on the wrong side of the bed. The government owes us that much. But there seems to be no concern for the fact that the police as an institution is neither adequately equipped for handling such an attack, nor that our courts are barely given priority in the security hierarchy.
All one needs to do to strike any of the courts in Lahore is arrive there in a black suit and tie. It is almost guaranteed you won’t be checked.
The solution to our roll-of-the-dice existence is to overhaul the institutions responsible for the security of our people. The police must be paramount in this chain along with our intelligence agencies.
I am not so naïve as to hope that it turns into a model for the world to follow overnight. Lon Fuller once talked about the morality of aspiration, a sliding scale towards excellence that all states should strive for. I am merely asking the government to make our security institutions a priority.
This can be achieved if the government pumps more resources into security rather than into its latest record-breaking ego fest. Until our national priority becomes the protection of our people, we will never prosper. No matter how many times we blame the rest of the world; it will always be as Cassius said: “The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, but in ourselves.”
The writer is a lawyer.
What’s the deal?
IT is indeed a very generous ‘gift’ from a friendly Muslim country — $1.5 billion is not a small sum of money especially in these times of desperation and insolvency. This windfall has not only eased pressure on our fast devaluing currency, it may also help the prime minister fulfil some of his grandiose development plans. Hence the euphoria over this unprecedented magnanimity is not entirely inexplicable.
IT is indeed a very generous ‘gift’ from a friendly Muslim country — $1.5 billion is not a small sum of money especially in these times of desperation and insolvency. This windfall has not only eased pressure on our fast devaluing currency, it may also help the prime minister fulfil some of his grandiose development plans. Hence the euphoria over this unprecedented magnanimity is not entirely inexplicable.
But what’s the price tag attached to this apparent bigheartedness? We are not supposed to know. “The money should just be accepted with thanks and not be made controversial,” says the finance minister. Even the name of the benefactor was not revealed initially. It may embarrass that country, we are told.
One wishes it was as simple. But things are much more complex than the Sharif government is willing to admit. There is nothing in relations between states that comes without quid pro quo, even if the charity is coming from brothers in faith.
There are no free lunches in international politics. And secrecy shrouds the deal; it is not even being shared with parliament. So much for the transparency and democratic norms that the government vows to uphold.
While the name of the main donor was disclosed courtesy multilateral agencies, the government is still reluctant to provide the details about other contributors. Some reports suggest that the bulk of the amount has come from Saudi Arabia with smaller donations from certain Gulf countries.
Apparently, this is only the first tranche of the massive financial assistance pledged by ‘friendly’ Arab countries for the Pakistan Development Fund recently launched by the government. Pakistan has surely been a recipient of generous foreign aid throughout its history, but such a massive cash grant is rare, if not unprecedented.
Although vehemently denied by the government, the cash inflow is believed to be a payoff for Pakistan’s agreement to play an active role in the unfolding power game in the Middle East at the behest of the Saudi-led Arab coalition.
The first indication of this emerging cooperation came when Pakistan supported the Saudi position on the change of regime in Syria during the high-profile visit of the Saudi crown prince early this year. That signalled a clear shift from Islamabad’s long-standing neutrality on the Syrian conflict. The change of tack is bound to plunge Pakistan into the wider sectarian war raging in the Middle East with disastrous consequences for national security.
The protracted Syrian civil war has drastically changed power dynamics in the region, sharpening polarisation along sectarian lines. While Saudi Arabia has actively been supporting the Sunni rebels, Iran continues to back President Bashar al-Assad. The conflict has already spilled across the Middle East leading to an explosive regional situation.
By taking sides, Islamabad may get further embroiled in the already escalating sectarian violence at home. There is a real danger that its strengthening nexus with Riyadh may further deepen the ongoing regional proxy war inside Pakistan, further weakening the already eroding state authority.
Surely Pakistan enjoys strong historic ties with the Saudi kingdom, but successive governments also maintained a delicate balance so as not to get involved in Arab-Iran rivalry. But this equilibrium is now threatened by the Sharif government’s latest strategic shift for Saudi cash.
Sharif’s strong relations with the House of Saud are not a secret. It was the intervention of King Abdullah that got him out of prison and he was later hosted by the Saudi government for seven years. The Saudi government had also come to the help of the second Sharif government when Pakistan faced a serious foreign exchange crisis following the nuclear tests in 1998, by subsidising the oil supply.
During the PPP government’s tenure, relations between Riyadh and Islamabad hit a historical low. Then president Asif Zardari’s closeness with Iran caused a further deterioration in ties. But things started to change with the return of Nawaz Sharif to power. The visit of the Saudi crown prince underscored the emergence of a new strategic relationship between the two countries. Another important factor giving impetus to this emerging Riyadh-Islamabad nexus is the easing of tension between Iran and the US.
A likely deal on the Iranian nuclear programme may allow Tehran to break its diplomatic and economic isolation raising Riyadh’s concern of a possible realignment in the Middle East. Increasingly wary over the rise of Al Qaeda-led rebel groups in Syria and Iraq, it is quite plausible that the West could seek cooperation of Iranian-backed Shia groups to counter Sunni extremists.
With Shia unrest building up in its own backyard and in neighbouring Arab states, the development reinforces Riyadh’s worst fears of an Iran-US rapprochement. In this situation, Pakistan becomes increasingly important for Saudi Arabia for the kingdom’s internal security.
Our retired servicemen had helped quelled the Shia uprising in Bahrain and we may see further the entanglement of Pakistan in the escalating sectarian strife in the Middle East. Volunteers from banned Pakistani Sunni sectarian groups are already reported to be fighting along with the Saudi-backed rebels in Syria.
Close military ties between Riyadh and Islamabad, though not new, have now taken on a new dimension with Iran’s potential nuclear capability. There is growing concern in the West that Saudi Arabia may be seeking Pakistan’s cooperation in the nuclear field. Undoubtedly, the Saudi grant is a huge boon for the cash-starved Sharif government. But what’s in the deal is perhaps the most critical question.
The writer is an author and journalist.
Twitter: @hidhussain
Aid and stereotypes
IN one of the short aid-appeal videos produced by the Norwegian Students and Academics International Assistance Fund, the tables are turned. Instead of featuring wealthy Norwegians giving aid to starving Africans, smiling and singing Africans are collecting heaters and radiators for freezing Norwegians.
IN one of the short aid-appeal videos produced by the Norwegian Students and Academics International Assistance Fund, the tables are turned. Instead of featuring wealthy Norwegians giving aid to starving Africans, smiling and singing Africans are collecting heaters and radiators for freezing Norwegians.
The result is an active challenging of the stereotypes usually employed by aid organisations to raise money. Instead of depending on empathy and pity, the usual vehicles on which charity for the poverty and disaster-stricken is collected, the focus is on stereotypes on which the ‘haves’ of the world rely, and which they give to the ‘have-nots’.
The video is not the only one released by the group, whose objective is to collect aid. In another, entitled How to Save Africa Gone Wrong, the part of the ‘starving African boy’ is played by a child actor. In off-takes are quips that play on what people believe about Africa. A white woman tries to give him a pastry (because such things don’t exist in Africa). The subtext is clear: aid is an industry and its audience is the ‘white saviour’ on whose sympathy the gaping coffers of the developing world rely.
As Sindre Edland, who works at the organisation that produced the videos, points out in an article published in Al Jazeera America, the genre of ‘aid satire’, where the West’s presumptions of superiority are called into question, is an inherently tricky one. Some aid workers worry that jokes such as these will discourage people from giving money. After all, those who give want to feel good about what they do, and making fun of them may drive them away.
Edland disagrees. In his opinion, humour and levity are good ways to call attention to assumptions and stereotypes that are ultimately misleading. The images of suffering children in Africa are embedded in the minds of most Westerners and they need to be dislodged.
Africa is not simply the touchstone against which Western superiority can consistently measure its own goodness. The precept of ‘we’ (the West) being lucky against disease-stricken children and devastated communities of the developing world must be tempered with reality.
As Edland says, “Dumping unwanted Western goods such as used designer suits, old political campaign or sports team T-shirts and broken computers on African countries does little more than create garbage piles and environmental problems and tamper with the local market. In addition, it makes the self-congratulatory act of giving more important than the need of those on the receiving end.”
The debate is an interesting one, and until its divisions are marked by the ‘West’ on one side and the ‘rest’ on the other, most Pakistanis likely will have a good time chuckling at Africans striking back against the stereotypes. After all, Pakistan has been subjected to similar typecasting.
Images of abused women, flood-stricken villages and displaced hordes have all been used in appeals to raise money. As in the African case, they do represent truths; all of those groups exist and do need help in Pakistan, and the mechanisms of global giving are all poised on presenting their haplessness to the wealthy Western giver. But Pakistanis do not like this. The stereotype bears within it a store of reality, but we can all get behind the proposition that the two should be disaggregated.
The conclusions, however, would perhaps be different if the lens were moved from global disparities centring on the West and the rest, to focus simply on Pakistan. In the past several weeks, television cameras and news reports have all been focused on a very local cataclysm: the famine-struck families of Thar. If stereotypes about Africa and Asia are troubling when they are fed to the Western world, they should be similarly problematic when fed to local publics.
Are the most intrusive images of infants wasting away and wailing women necessary for us to understand the urgency of the situation and to inspire the better-off in Karachi and Lahore and Islamabad to give?
The conclusions, then, are about the nature of caring and the superficialities that lie beneath. If those in the global south, in Africa and India and Pakistan and Bangladesh, take issue with the Western practice of utilising stereotypes — presenting the most miserable and disturbing pictures of want in order to invoke giving — then local practices within these contexts also deserve some attention.
At the centre of this consideration lies the question of the ethics that are due to the real people that make up these images of desperation. In the case of the famine-afflicted of Thar, it may be useful to question whether they have the power to agree to such portrayals of themselves, and to pause and wonder whether we would want our own family members pictured in such desperate states of physical and environmental degradation.
The issue rests on the connections between dignity and empathy. Whether it is rich Western-givers or the relatively rich of Pakistan looking at the starving suffering in their own country’s recesses, they must consider whether they can give freely and still preserve the dignity of those whom they wish to help. A preservation of dignity requires a different lens: a refusal to objectify pain, to dramatise suffering, and to reduce those afflicted to just images and pictures; it requires giving not to feel superior but to fulfil a primary condition of humanity.
The writer is an attorney teaching constitutional law and political philosophy.
UK’s eternal dissident
AMONG Labour members of parliament in Britain, Tony Benn stood out not only because of his eloquence and wit as an orator but because he held on to the quaint notion that the party ought to implement the policies on the basis of which it was elected. Benn, who died last Friday at the age of 88, sat in parliament for 50 years — beginning in 1950, when he won the seat vacated by Sir Stafford Cripps. He was 25 at the time, and when he resigned from the House of Commons in 2001, Benn noted that he was doing so to “spend more time on politics”.
AMONG Labour members of parliament in Britain, Tony Benn stood out not only because of his eloquence and wit as an orator but because he held on to the quaint notion that the party ought to implement the policies on the basis of which it was elected. Benn, who died last Friday at the age of 88, sat in parliament for 50 years — beginning in 1950, when he won the seat vacated by Sir Stafford Cripps. He was 25 at the time, and when he resigned from the House of Commons in 2001, Benn noted that he was doing so to “spend more time on politics”.
In between, there were two hiatuses, the first when his father died in 1960 and Benn inherited the title of Viscount Stansgate. He successfully pushed for legislation that enabled him to renounce the title. Two decades later, he lost his seat in the 1983 election, after the constituency he represented was abolished, but returned to parliament the following year on a different seat.
Longevity isn’t necessarily a virtue, of course — although the span of his experience did mean that Benn met Gandhi (in 1931, when his father was secretary of state for India) and Ramsay MacDonald as a child, and served alongside Aneurin Bevan, the architect of Britain’s welfare state.
What more significantly distinguished him from most colleagues, though, was that, having been signposted as a rising technocratic star, he steadily shifted to the left — primarily on account of his experiences in the cabinets of Harold Wilson and Jim Callaghan, which helped him realise that power was actually wielded by people other than elected representatives, be they bankers, captains of industry or bureaucrats.
Later in life, he formulated a list of five questions that ought to be put to any powerful person: “What power have you got? Where did you get it from? In whose interest do you exercise it? To whom are you accountable? And how can we get rid of you?”
He came to oppose Britain’s integration into Europe on the grounds that the commissioners who ran it were neither elected nor accountable.
Back in 1981, Benn came within a whisker of being elected deputy leader of the Labour Party amid a massive campaign against him among fellow MPs and almost the mainstream media. It was always easier to denigrate him as a raving revolutionary than to refute his persuasive arguments for democratic socialism. He is also accused of a paramount role in making Labour unelectable for a decade and a half.
When the party did return to power, it was under Tony Blair as New Labour — an organisation whose creation Margaret Thatcher (appropriately in Benn’s view) claimed to be her greatest achievement. Benn vehemently disagreed with Thatcher on every issue but admired her clarity of purpose. He had no time for Blair, because he found utterly distasteful the idea of a Labour leader betraying everything the party once stood for.
For once the word fulsome can accurately be used to describe many of the tributes that have flowed his way in recent days, with most politicians from both sides of the fake political divide echoing the refrain that listening to this committed and principled man was a pleasure even while disagreeing with his opinions. In the media it was easy to discern dregs of the venom that once characterised most commentary on him.
Although a parliamentarian par excellence, Benn never lost sight of the value of extra-parliamentary initiatives. His in-depth knowledge of Britain’s radical traditions fed into his determination to strive for a more equitable future. And a better world. Early on, Benn stood out as a campaigner against colonialism and apartheid, and through his final decade served as president of the Stop the War Coalition. He was an idealist rather than a ‘pragmatist’, a dissident who rarely hesitated to speak truth to power.
Outside parliament, he could walk with kings without losing the common touch. The aura of hope never deserted him during his twilight years. The indefatigable crusader for human dignity and liberty wanted the inscription on his grave to read: “Tony Benn — he encouraged us”. Which would be accurate, but far from adequate.
It’s too easy to memorialise him as a pipe-smoking, tea-drinking dreamer who exemplified Britain’s pluralistic tendencies in the 20th century. His legacy would be much better served, though, were he to be recognised as a standard-bearer for a future Britain that turns its back on the depredations of neoliberal capitalism — not so much as a diarist who assiduously recorded the follies and fallacies of the past 75 years, but as a signpost for what may lie ahead.
Rethinking the medium
LAST week there was something to celebrate — rare in these troubled times. One of our eminent scholars, Dr Tariq Rahman, dean of the School of Education at the Beaconhouse National University, Lahore, was awarded a DLitt degree by the University of Sheffield, UK, for his work on language, art, culture and social developments that was assessed to qualify him on merit for this honour. In Europe less than 1pc of faculty gets a DLitt in the social sciences.
LAST week there was something to celebrate — rare in these troubled times. One of our eminent scholars, Dr Tariq Rahman, dean of the School of Education at the Beaconhouse National University, Lahore, was awarded a DLitt degree by the University of Sheffield, UK, for his work on language, art, culture and social developments that was assessed to qualify him on merit for this honour. In Europe less than 1pc of faculty gets a DLitt in the social sciences.
This achievement should do Pakistan proud. Given the state of our education, any academic whose work wins recognition, especially internationally, deserves to be acknowledged. This should be treated as an occasion for us to revisit his work and scholarship.
It is also important for our policymakers and educationists to read some of Dr Rahman’s 18 books embodying his knowledge and research. They will realise where they have gone wrong. Dr Rahman is a prolific writer and his works are eye-openers especially regarding language in the educational, social, cultural and political context in Pakistan.
Even a quick reading of Tariq Rahman’s Denizens of Alien Worlds: A Study of Education, Inequality and Polarisation in Pakistan is enough to help one understand how our education system and language in education policies are polarising society.
The ill-conceived language policies adopted in this country have divided society into the haves and have-nots. Instead of education being an equaliser, it has split people into highly educated elites who study in English and poorly educated ones who study in their local language that is badly taught.
Then come the new batch of education policymakers and we have a typical case of hell being paved with good (and ill-informed) intentions. They realise that our failure to have uniformity in our education system is at the root of all evil. It is this disparity that creates alienation. True. But they go off the mark when they look for solutions.
To introduce uniformity, they believe that English as the medium of instruction in schools will bring everyone at par. Punjab took that route till it learnt the hard way that this approach was creating new problems. Hence the government reverted to the old system. English would not be the medium of instruction and will be taught from Class 3 onwards.
Now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa wants to opt for English as the medium of instruction. It has not learnt from Punjab. No one looks closely at the matter. Education can only be good so long as the teachers, pedagogy, textbooks, curricula, examination systems and governance are good. It is better still that children begin schooling in a language they understand, ie their home language. In this way, their cognitive development is facilitated and they also learn how to think.
What is happening instead is that a huge majority of children who are not familiar with English, a foreign language for them, are required to learn it which places them at a severe disadvantage. In the absence of teachers with proficiency in English, students cannot really learn the language, let alone understand other subjects taught in a language in which they have no proficiency. This lowers the standard of education further.
One would not disagree with the objective of removing disparities which have a profound impact on society and the economy. There are other ways of doing it. Do what the Chinese do. China-Shanghai topped the list in the OECD’s PISA, an international student assessment programme, of 2012 in which 510,000 15-year-old students from 65 countries participated.
Their method is to require every student to study in their own language for nine years and qualify for the local school-leaving examination. Thus they are thoroughly grounded in the local culture, history and knowledge. English is taught as a second language. Thereafter those who wish can join institutions to pass the school-leaving exams — ‘O’ and ‘A’ Levels — conducted by foreign examination boards.
One is not very clear what the KP government had in mind when it decided to switch over to English as the medium of instruction. If the idea is to introduce uniformity the move will deepen the divide. Non-English speakers will be robbed of their faculty of critical thinking as they cannot articulate original and abstract thoughts in a language they are not familiar with.
English speakers who gain a head start on account of their family background will continue to have the upper hand. So how is equality being enforced by having English as the medium of instruction? However, uniform high grade curricula bridge the chasm between the haves and have-nots and that is where the focus should be.
The writer is the author of Tyranny of Language in Education: The Problem and its Solution.
Acres of protection
THE need to provide some kind of insurance cover to protect the incomes and outputs of farmers from the vagaries of the weather, natural calamities (such as pest attacks) and price volatility, despite modernisation and technological improvements, has often been a concern. However, these have not been subjected to any serious debate.
THE need to provide some kind of insurance cover to protect the incomes and outputs of farmers from the vagaries of the weather, natural calamities (such as pest attacks) and price volatility, despite modernisation and technological improvements, has often been a concern. However, these have not been subjected to any serious debate.
Across the border in India crop insurance, essentially covering yields/output (not crop income directly) delivered by rural finance institutions, is being used to provide protection to farmers there.
The instrument of crop insurance is linked to crop loans and its cost is partly financed through government subsidies, especially to cover small and marginal farmers. It is, however, intriguing that despite the high claims to premium ratio (more than 400pc) only 10pc of the cropped area in India is covered, whereas the above-mentioned high ratio should have attracted more farmers to the scheme.
It is time to give this issue some serious thought, also because it will strengthen the argument that farmers should pay taxes on their agricultural incomes, with the volatility and smoothness of income flows being covered and protected by this mechanism of crop insurance.
This article makes recommendations on how best to introduce such an instrument by highlighting the major factors that, in view of the highly risky nature of agricultural activity, will have to be taken into consideration for its development.
The foremost problem is that risk in agriculture is largely systemic in nature, resulting in an entire area or crop being affected due to drought, pest attacks etc. And it cannot be reduced through the ‘pooling of risk’ by covering the entire range of economic actors — a heterogeneous rather than a homogenous mix — which is a critical condition for making any activity insurable.
Consequently, in agriculture, the assessment of the risk, and thereby the level of insurance premium, is likely to require coverage on an area basis, for a crop like wheat or cotton or a combination of major crops, as opposed to on an individual farmer basis. This is because the estimates would have to be based on average risk and loss aspects of this specific area as a whole.
Farmers of a specific or identified homogenous geographical area will all have to be viewed as identical in terms of the degree of risk and loss. Hence they will be required to pay the same premium and also be entitled to a claim of the same value on a per acre basis.
Such an approach would not only be an administratively more convenient one but would also help minimise manipulation and the incentive to be reckless. Moreover, it would be mandatory for all farmers in the area to participate in the scheme — or for the ones wanting to participate the premiums would have to be higher.
Insuring the income of the farmer from a particular crop will require that he be covered for the difference between guaranteed income (to be determined by multiplying the lowest acceptable yield per acre with the crop support price, if any, announced by government) and the actual income which would be a function of the actual yield and the prevailing market price.
To minimise the incentive to manipulate income, the ‘actual’ market price will have to be accepted as being within a range of say 90pc and 125pc of the relevant support price. However, the amount to be paid to a claimant need not be based on an estimation of the loss and could be predetermined. Tying a crop loan to its insurance would strengthen the scheme and also reduce the risk for the financial institution. It would thereby help to lower the interest rate on the loan. To minimise administration costs, the premium could be deducted at source from the disbursement of the loan.
However, for the scheme to get off the ground we would require adequate historical data over a number of years on crop yields, the extent and impact of rainfall and pest attacks in such a defined ‘area’. Since there is little background information on crop yields, rainfall and history of pest attacks, etc, by area, the prospects of diluting risk through re-insurance abroad are likely to be limited.
It appears, therefore, that, at least for the foreseeable future, risk that concerns the nature of the business and of changes in the market resulting from supply and demand factors would have to be shared between the insurance company and the government, with the latter’s contribution being in the form of a subsidy initially until it acquires a degree of maturity.
Luckily, any crop insurance subsidies of this nature that may be required to operationalise the scheme in the initial period will not run foul of World Trade Organisation regulations. Over time the quality of the crop insurance scheme can be further developed with better crop estimation techniques arising from the use of new technologies, improved forecasting and superior methods of prediction about weather conditions.
With a phased approach that clearly sets out the direction in terms of how and when (a ‘sunset’ clause), the subsidy scheme can be withdrawn. The success of a well-designed and implemented scheme — a tough ask given our poor history of policy formulation and its execution — will facilitate the government’s exit as the farmers step up to bear the costs based on their experience of how well the scheme accomplished its objectives to protect their incomes.
The writer is the Vice Chancellor of Beaconhouse National University.
Address the rot within
BY delving extensively into the political experiment launched by the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), Rajmohan Gandhi might have appeared to some in the room to have sidetracked the India-Pakistan dialogue he had himself helped set in motion in Delhi.
BY delving extensively into the political experiment launched by the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), Rajmohan Gandhi might have appeared to some in the room to have sidetracked the India-Pakistan dialogue he had himself helped set in motion in Delhi.
After all there were experts from both sides from relevant fields — military, business, media, diplomacy — bracing to offer last week’s confabulations the benefit of their distilled wisdom. But here was Mahatma Gandhi’s grandson going into raptures about a political party he had only recently joined, and of which he is a candidate in the ongoing parliamentary race. Indiscreet? No.
Quite a few in the two-day meet, organised jointly by Sherry Rehman’s Jinnah Institute and Gandhi’s pacifist Centre for Reconciliation and Dialogue, thought they were shortchanged.
Mr Gandhi was advertising the virtues of his party when the agenda for the meeting was to share the intricate perceptions and recommendations of two nuclear neighbours on issues bitterly dividing them. Track II is what they call these meetings, not without an air of self-importance. So there was no time to waste.
However, what Mr Gandhi did succeed in doing in discussing his common man’s agenda at a seemingly odd forum was to focus on the dire need of bringing domestic impediments to peace up for discussion rather than bury them conveniently because no one likes to take a public position on ‘internal affairs’ in a bilateral get together. Domestic issues are rarely discussed in such forums. Has the rise of Muslim extremism in Pakistan impeded or facilitated normalisation of ties with India? Should the conference not have discussed the problems facing Pakistan internally?
Internal problems in this regard are distinct in my view from the ones posed by the anti-state Taliban. The Taliban bring a set of global challenges, and that is not something Pakistanis would be averse to discussing with Indians.
A truly existential dilemma for Pakistan comes in the form of lawyer patriots showering the fanatical killer of the Punjab governor with rose petals, for example. Or take some equally nationalist judges who accept the point of view of extremists as valid and worthy of empathy. How does this internal equation play out in the conduct of foreign policy not just with India, but also with Iran, Saudi Arabia and others?
Likewise with Hindutva. In India too you would find pro-Hindutva lawyers with the rose petal syndrome. Here too you would face the bureaucracy and the police with more than a handful in their ranks siding with the country’s fascist strides. Will a Modi administration in India, assuming but not conceding he will make the grade in the upcoming elections, mean a change for the better for ties with Pakistan, or will it be plain bad news?
The AAP is bitterly opposed to Modi’s candidature for the top job for a variety of sound reasons — including corruption and communalism. And, though he has conveniently played down his anti-Muslim and anti-Pakistan vitriol during the current election campaign to woo the gullible and well-meaning fence-sitters, the world knows that Modi is the very antithesis of Atal Behari Vajpayee’s preference for moderation. Vajpayee too was a Hindutva mascot but he was not any fanatic’s poodle.
In any case, regardless of his differences with the neo-fascist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Vajpayee found himself leading his nuclear-armed country to the brink of a potentially catastrophic war with Pakistan in 2002. It required massive international lobbying to defuse the crisis.
There was a view expressed at last week’s conference by mostly Indian interlocutors, that India’s foreign policy was too institutionalised for there to be much of a difference no matter who heads the government. In other words, had Modi been in charge of the country instead of Vajpayee, goes the argument, he would have taken the same militarist sabre-rattling course. I think the outcome would have been rather worse.
In any case, the suggestion that India’s foreign policy, or equally its defence policy, is written in stone makes for a specious claim. For Modi and Vajpayee, to whip up a militarist posture would be coterminous with their domestic political calculations. They bring out the baser instincts in the name of Indian nationalism.
Rahul Gandhi’s politics is no different. On his part, he leans on his notion of history that glorifies his grandmother as the one who wrecked Pakistan in 1971. And he does that without the street power to work the people up into a froth. Moreover, he is not right-wing enough to benefit from his occasional jingoism.
Before saying anything in Rajmohan Gandhi’s behalf on the subject, consider how AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal put it when he was asked to comment on ties with Pakistan.
He asserted not once but twice, since the TV anchor was persistent, that relations with Pakistan would be no different than with other neighbours of India. “We are for friendly ties with all countries, big or small, especially our neighbours.”
Gandhi shares that view to the hilt. Who says there won’t be a change in the policy regardless of who rules the country? It’s clear as daylight that Gandhi brings liberal perspectives to foreign policy which Modi does not.
There is a need to discuss the existential problems facing Indian democracy and Jinnah’s dream of a Pakistan in a dialogue between the two countries. If we can’t provide answers to them, then any core issue dogging them will remain a topic to rehash old press releases on peace.
The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi.
Wrong side of history
THE Islamic world’s power dynamics are undergoing possibly the most seismic shift in a generation. The House of Saud’s dominance over global Muslim politics, an enduring, if calamitous, reality, appears to be abating.
THE Islamic world’s power dynamics are undergoing possibly the most seismic shift in a generation. The House of Saud’s dominance over global Muslim politics, an enduring, if calamitous, reality, appears to be abating.
A divergence of interests between the Kingdom and other regional players has been gaining currency. Much has changed in the Muslim world since the public rift between Saudi Arabia and its perceived patron, the US, over the issue of nuclear engagement with Iran.
With Turkey, Qatar, and Iraq adopting divergent policy postures to the Saudis and the latter two now publicly hostile, the regional sway held by the House of Saud seems to be slipping away. Pakistan, however, appears to be on the wrong side of history once again.
The latest fracas in the Middle East has been an unprecedented cleavage within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), a previous bastion of support for regional Saudi supremacy. A categorical challenge to Saudi leadership has been mounted by the resource rich, increasingly independent Emirate of Qatar. Self-confidence spurred by swelling coffers of a gas-rich economy have led the new emir and his associates to openly confront Saudi policy on Egypt and Syria.
Energy politics is also undergoing important changes, mostly precipitated by technology and environmental concerns. Gas is the new oil, deemed preferable as a fossil fuel due to its lower carbon emissions. Resultantly, historically obscure Qatar has been making waves in the last few years through its global spending spree, and high-profile international investments.
The second element set to alter the geo-strategic energy landscape is the discovery of shale gas. With US gas exports expected to commence next year, US reliance on external energy resources will dwindle, diluting its dependence on its traditional Middle Eastern allies. This process is already under way, unnerving the Saudis. For decades US criticism of the Saudis was muted, both officially and in their media outlets. This embargo on silence has been lifted in the last few months, and is likely to escalate.
Unaccustomed to the withdrawal of unqualified international support, the Saudis seem more zealous in achieving their regional ambitions, but their plans appear thwarted. Turkey and Qatar are now supporting different groups to Saudi-backed jihadi elements in Syria and both back Egypt’s elected but deposed Muslim Brotherhood government.
Intriguingly, Qatar and Iran policies are in greater consonance today than those of Qatar and Saudi Arabia. Oman, a member of the GCC, played a mediating role between the US and Iran before nuclear negotiations became public, and has recently signed a slew of economic deals with Iran during President Rouhani’s visit to Oman. The GCC has never been this fractured before, with only the UAE and Bahrain standing firmly behind Saudi Arabia. Iraq’s Prime Minister Maliki, perceived as an Iranian ally, has recently publicly chastised the Saudi and Qatari governments for their support of insurgent groups. Iraq in February this year, pumped more oil than it has in the last 35 years.
With Iraq’s oil exports rising rapidly, and Iran’s potential reintegration into the international community, the waning of Saudi power is inevitable. Qatar, Iraq, Iran and Turkey are all emerging counterweights to traditional Saudi dominance in the Islamic world. With the erosion of Saudi hegemony in the Muslim world, a new era of a more enlightened version of the faith being practised may also ensue.
Pakistan, however, seems to have the misfortune of being the single Saudi foreign policy ‘success’ of recent times. Instead of acquiring energy and long-term economic security through implementing an accord with our gas rich neighbour, we have chosen the expedient and ultimately deleterious path of continued Saudi patronage.
The direct correlation between deepening Saudi influence and an escalation in extremism in Pakistan that has disfigured the country’s socio-economic landscape over the last three decades has been ignored in our obsession for finding a quick economic fix. Rather than working on improving economic fundamentals and investing in a progressive future, we appear eager to remain on the right side of an increasingly anachronistic regime, whose financial largesse over the years has carried punitive social costs.
The rise in militancy that has witnessed tens of thousands of innocent lives sacrificed, billions in potential investment lost due to a debilitating security environment, and the mutilation of our spiritual landscape, are largely the enduring legacy of a resilient Saudi-Pak partnership.
The addition of $1.5 billion to our foreign currency reserves is therefore an insignificant and temporary palliative. A prudent and favourable foreign policy course would be sensitised to geopolitical trends which can yield long term socio-economic benefits rather than being driven by personal linkages and fleeting financial gains.
The writer is a freelance contributor.
Contours of the threat
THE only certainty one can be sure of, they say, is change. And even as we look into an uncertain future, we can see some key trends. Then we look at the forces that are driving those trends and slowly a pattern begins to emerge. These visions make the future look less hazy. Here’s some of what we see:
THE only certainty one can be sure of, they say, is change. And even as we look into an uncertain future, we can see some key trends. Then we look at the forces that are driving those trends and slowly a pattern begins to emerge. These visions make the future look less hazy. Here’s some of what we see:
Pakistan is facing a long war and this is not a war that will produce a victor and a vanquished anytime soon.
Pakistan is fighting a creed. This war is not so much with the Taliban as much as against the Talibanisation of our society — the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) representing only the extreme end in that spectrum.
The right-wing narrative is beginning to sound more and more ludicrous. False premises — that this is ‘America’s war’, that drone strikes are a key cause of terrorism and the Taliban are ‘misguided brothers’ — led to flawed prescriptions: block Nato supplies and negotiate with the Taliban. That narrative may well be at risk of becoming unhinged. It is difficult to decide which is more outrageous: Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar suggesting a ‘cricket match with the Taliban’; or Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf chief Imran Khan suggesting that the majority of Taliban are ‘peace-loving’ and the TTP therefore should be allowed to open an office in Peshawar.
The relatively liberal parties are displaying clearer thinking, and a realisation that they may have a story that will better resonate with their constituencies. Expect them to keep churning the wheel to their advantage.
The parties of the right, arranged like dominoes, cannot stray too far from their long-held positions without appearing to be ‘switching sides’. Eventually if they do come round, they will find themselves in a squeeze zone, encroaching on the turf of the liberal parties whose story would be more original and spun to a greater degree of sophistication.
A continuous low to medium intensity conflict is foreseen. This is the ‘steady state’ that the talk-fight-talk-fight sequence appears to be heading towards.
The TTP will mostly strike military targets. The TTP as an Al Qaeda affiliate has been tutored in propaganda by the likes of Abu Yahya al Libi, Al Qaeda’s erstwhile chief information officer. Al-Libi was killed by a predator drone but not before he taught the current TTP chief Mullah Fazlullah that attacking military targets will raise the militants’ prestige without greatly alienating the right-wing civilian population. Only when a strong message needs to be sent to the civilian leadership will the TTP strike a civilian or political target.
The ‘cat and mouse’ game will continue without a decisive outcome. The TTP fighters will escape into Afghanistan when the fighting season ends or if they come under unbearable heat. Other fighters may melt away into the plains and settled areas and remain hidden for a while. This way, the TTP will pose a continuous and sustained challenge. Some factions seek to destroy the state and military, others seek to unravel it through breakdown and desertions and yet others, notably the TTP Mohmand, wish to seize the state intact. Quite likely that some factions will at times break ranks. Meanwhile, on its part, the military has already demonstrated its newer methods and technology and we can expect to see increasing sophistication in surveillance and targeting in the months and years ahead.
Right-wing and religious forces will harness the TTP threat to their advantage and insert themselves as interlocutors in the process. From this position they can leverage their strength and extract maximum concessions from a beleaguered state. As the TTP held the gun to our heads, the Council of Islamic Ideology was recently able to put pressure on us to change laws restricting polygamy and child marriages.
The situation ironically places liberal parties in an enviable position giving them an opportunity to craft a more sensible and sellable narrative with which to win back followers lost to the right.
To contain any such successful thrust from the liberal parties, the TTP will use the threat of violence as it did in the general election last year when it did not allow them to campaign or hold political rallies.
Pakistan will remain part of Al Qaeda’s larger battlefield which includes Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Yemen, North Africa and parts of Central Asia. The TTP will not only draw ‘franchise benefits’ but also fully leverage the ‘strategic depth’ available to it in Afghanistan’s Pakhtun territories.
This may yet be a simplified model but one that lets us construct more elaborate scenarios with these building blocks. Such scenarios can help us gain an understanding of the shape of things to come and hopefully prepare pre-emptive policy responses.
The writer is a strategist and entrepreneur.
Bigotry in the name of God
THE chairman of the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII), Muhammad Khan Sheerani, has stated that prohibition of child marriage under the Muslim Family Law Ordinance is un-Islamic. He argued that the requirement to seek permission of the first wife before taking on a second (or third or fourth) is also un-Islamic.
THE chairman of the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII), Muhammad Khan Sheerani, has stated that prohibition of child marriage under the Muslim Family Law Ordinance is un-Islamic. He argued that the requirement to seek permission of the first wife before taking on a second (or third or fourth) is also un-Islamic.
A few months back he declared that evidence generated by forensic DNA testing can’t be treated as primary evidence in rape cases. Given his proclivity for regression in all forms, it would be unjust to conclude that the CII chairman is merely a proponent of gender inequality.
The crisis of religious thought in Pakistan is epitomised by the likes of Muhammad Sheerani. The divide here is not just between those who advocate absolute conservation of tradition and those who advocate progressive change, or between those who have a minimalistic approach to religion and those who wish the state to enforce a maximalist version, or between proponents of rigid construction of religious text as opposed to contextual construction.
The real problem is the ascent of coercionists who claim a monopoly over the understanding of religious texts, and leave no political and social space for reasonable people to debate and disagree over matters of faith.
The debate around religion in Pakistan has been hijacked by a bigoted mullah brigade for whom discovering, debating and promoting the truth is not the object.
The goal is to perpetuate invidious traditions and cultural practices no matter how cruel, and block any move towards striking the right balance between conservation and change.
Fazal ur Rehman (the Islamic scholar) argued in Islam and Modernity: Transformation of an Intellectual Tradition that the real challenge is to understand the context of revealed scripture and how principles laid down in Quran and Sunnah are to be interpreted and applied today.
Is text to be applied, as it was understood at the time of revelation, or are principles to be derived from it and applied in view of current socio-political and economic realities? This sums up the debate between rigid and progressive constructionists.
Pakistan’s rigid constructionists simply refuse to acknowledge that human beings are involved in the process of interpretation as if texts speak directly, explain their meaning and advise all and sundry on how the principles laid out in the Quran and Sunnah are to be applied in a changing world.
This refusal is accompanied by the mullah brigade’s claim that its understanding of the meaning of the Quran and Sunnah is in itself Divine Truth. You ask them about the challenge of interpretation and they’ll tell you that the question itself is a conspiracy against Sharia enforcement.
What’s the logic of CII’s latest pronouncements? It believes there is anecdotal evidence that women during early years of Islam were married off before reaching the age of majority.
Thus prohibiting marriage of minors is un-Islamic. By the same logic there’s irrefutable evidence that slavery existed during Islam’s early years and keeping slaves has also not been explicitly prohibited. Should Article 11 of our Constitution forbidding slavery then be declared un-Islamic for being ultra vires of the Sharia?
Are the CII’s claims the product of rigorous study of Islamic theology or that of a misogynist cultural tradition entrenched in the name of religion? The CII’s opinion regarding polygamy and child marriage reveals its decadent worldview.
The reason why minors shouldn’t be getting married is because humans lack agency and autonomy before they become adults and neither know right from wrong nor can be held to account for their actions.
If the guardians of a young girl can contract her out in marriage regardless of her age and hand over her possession later when she is old enough to endure sex, are we saying that women are nothing more than chattel and marriage a delayed delivery contract?
More worrisome is the design fault in the CII’s conception. Given the level of intolerance our society has already surpassed, it’s now evident that the CII can only be an instrument of further radicalisation, not the harbinger of progressive change. Do its decisions find acceptability within the religious right unless they pander to the extreme right and endorse savage cultural traditions in the name of religion?
Under Prof Khalid Masud, the CII supported the Protection of Women (Criminal Laws) Amendment Act, 2006, to guard against the abuse of Hudood Laws. The rabid mullah brigade rose up in arms against the CII.
A few years later, the CII proposed amendments in the nikah form to protect women against harassment and abuse they are subjected to while seeking khula. The mullah brigade was livid again and blocked the reform.
Any talk of reforming the blasphemy laws to prevent against their abuse is now seen as blasphemy itself. When Javed Ghamidi spoke up in the wake of Salmaan Taseer’s murder he attracted a bomb attack and had to flee Pakistan along with his family.
The Oxford-educated Fazal ur Rehman who returned to Pakistan in 1961 to head the Central Institute for Islamic Research also had to settle down in Chicago University to be able to freely research Islam and write about it.
Whether it is Israrullah Zehri justifying the killing or burying of women alive in the name of honour and tradition or Muhammad Sheerani propagating child marriage in the name of religion, we must understand that bigots are cut out of the same cloth. And so long as they keep doing well in this country, progressive change won’t.
The writer is a lawyer.
Being partisan
LAST week in London, Indian Minister for External Affairs Salman Khurshid spoke on the challenges facing democracy in India. While the content of his talk was interesting, the partisan lilt underscoring many of his statements provided greater contrast for the inevitable India-Pakistan comparison.
LAST week in London, Indian Minister for External Affairs Salman Khurshid spoke on the challenges facing democracy in India. While the content of his talk was interesting, the partisan lilt underscoring many of his statements provided greater contrast for the inevitable India-Pakistan comparison.
There was no doubt, at any point, that the man talking was not just a representative of the Indian government, but also of the Congress party, and its (stated) politics of redistribution and rights. His Oxford education, and years spent teaching in the UK, his status as an appreciated English-language playwright who wrote Sons of Babur, mattered little.
At that, and I’m assuming every other point, he performed his role as a representative of a political party, which is home to many other characters of decidedly less literary, and considerably more awami dispositions.
The odds of a person with Khurshid’s class, education and professional background being a partisan, committed political actor in Pakistan are considerably low.
The withdrawal of the urban professional classes from party or organisational politics, and their tacit-often-active support for strongman authoritarianism has long been cited as a cause for the country’s democratic deficit.
Further compounding the issue is a fresh wave of ‘centrist’ glorification, which sees all extant political parties (and their ideas) as primitive or incompetent structures, unable or unwilling to govern. Unfortunately, what we have in Pakistan is the consolidation of — as a friend put it — the ‘independently occurring phenomenon’.
This would be a person of well-established skill and ‘repute’, who floats in and out of Islamabad’s power circles waiting to be roped in by the government of the day for technocratic advice on matters of national or local importance.
The ‘objective’ technocrat, like many other undesirable inheritances, is a legacy of authoritarian rule in this country.
First charted out by economists and planners under Ayub and Zia, this career trajectory has developed under the false notion of how managing growth, development or foreign policy is a solely technical, as opposed to a technical plus political exercise.
As a result, Pakistan has had a string of advisers — in the finance and privatisation ministries, and in embassies abroad, with no partisan affiliation or requisite patience for politics.
In the last 15-odd years, the catchment area of aspirational hangers-on has expanded to include journalists, ‘development specialists’, and strategists peddling supremely vague, yet important-sounding skills.
Displaying dexterity most often found in whack-a-mole arcade machines, and a non-stick coating, some have remained wedded to various state offices through successive regimes.
Maybe it’s fair to ask whether this is, unequivocally speaking, such a terrible thing. Should one really blame technocrats and policy specialists for charting out successful career trajectories in and outside government? Is it not the expedient, constituency-driven nature of political parties, and the patronage culture of government which provides an enabling environment for individuals to loan out their services?
Maybe offering the benefit of doubt to some, in the name of their proclaimed patriotism, and their inability to construct partisan affiliations, is justified. What must be noted clearly though is the two-pronged damage a culture of outsourced, consciously anti-partisan professionalism does to democratic politics in the country.
In the first instance, disengagement of middle-class practitioners from partisan politics weakens political parties as organisations in and out of government. The latest instance of gross oversight and party failure — the Tharparkar famine — proves to be fairly instructive in this regard.
It is apparent that the party’s electoral needs — ie the act of accumulating votes and undercutting opponents — remain the dominant logic even in government. This is, without exception, true of democratic politics everywhere in the world.
What is problematic though is that technical, politically embedded knowledge of how to engage in redistributive functions or delivering services remains outsourced to consultants or an outdated, under-qualified and indifferent bureaucracy.
As a result, parties are constantly fending off accusations of incompetence with expedient, polemical responses — something they wouldn’t have to if they possessed internal resources providing committed thinking and planning.
The second, perhaps more dangerous, outcome of celebrating non-partisanship is the insistence of a ‘national interest’ that magically evolves outside active party politics and ideology. Instead of determining rules and administration through the democratic system, the ‘national interest’ becomes this transcendental, largely spotless code of government.
Politics is thus perpetually consigned to the gutter, while institutions of the permanent state — the military, higher bureaucracy and judiciary — become desirable principals for administration, rule, and delivery.
Facing this analytical strand of questioning, many middle-class individuals respond to accusations of disinterestedness by pointing out the venal, narrow nature of political parties that makes engagement difficult.
The prevailing culture of privileging relatives and electoral bosses pose barriers to middle-class partisanship, they say.
That, though, remains a poor excuse. India’s party culture (like other democracies) is similar — they’re run like family fiefdoms, are expedient, and populated by characters, which many white-collared types find unsavoury.
It, however, hasn’t stopped a significant segment of the professional class from owning up, engaging with them, and helping them deliver on a wide variety of fronts.
Frankly, there is nothing wrong with being partisan. Pakistan’s democratic deepening hinges upon its political parties’ ability to think through policy, and deliver on ideologically coherent socio-economic programmes. Celebrating non-partisan politics, and perpetuating the existing culture of technocrat-for-hire will accomplish neither.
The writer is a freelance columnist.
Email: umairjaved87@gmail.com
Curious contradictions
AS one often has cause to point out, one of the problems with Pakistan is not that things are uniformly bleak, but that relatively speaking they remain on an even enough keel to lull us into a false sense of security.
AS one often has cause to point out, one of the problems with Pakistan is not that things are uniformly bleak, but that relatively speaking they remain on an even enough keel to lull us into a false sense of security.
Even as all the social wellbeing indicators plummet we keep getting glimpses of what Pakistan could be if only it managed to sort itself out.
The past few weeks in Karachi must count as amongst these. First there was the Sindh festival. While this came under criticism from some quarters for not attracting a cross-section of society in some of its events, the fact is that it was held and has the potential to become a lasting tradition. Such an event can only do the province and country good.
Spring festivities started in earnest with a literature festival, offering a respectable enough profile of invitees and well-attended by people across economic divides. The crush was so great that it was next to impossible to find parking space, let alone a chair.
There was a similar festival for children soon after, to which there were a large number of visitors amongst whom were parties from schools catering to various economic levels. Children piled out of buses, rickshaws, minivans and cars to browse through books, watch plays, create artwork and play games.
Soon after that came a food festival arranged on the lawns of Frere Hall. For many years people’s access to this venue was restricted because of security concerns raised by the presence of a foreign consulate nearby.
Now that this has shifted to another area, people have started trickling into these grounds again, attending in appreciable numbers the book bazaar that is periodically held there.
For the food festival, they came in droves. The scene was a happy one, as anything to do with food is bound to be in Pakistan: hundreds of people laughing and chatting in the bright sunlight, plates piled high with food and a play area for children in a separate enclosure.
Such was the merriment that some attendees pulled off their shoes to paddle in the initially switched-off fountain.
There were evenings in these weeks past where Karachiites, normally unable to access any pre-dinner entertainment other than a restaurant, were spoiled for choice.
At the moment, the National Academy of the Performing Arts is hosting a three-week international theatre festival, a first for a city that has traditionally not been able to keep pace with Lahore in terms of cultural activities.
The festival has attracted theatre groups from a handful of other countries, no mean achievement given Pakistan’s, particularly Karachi’s, security realities.
It’s not just Karachi. The Lahore Literature Festival, held on the charming grounds of the Alhamra Arts Complex, also attracted hundreds of people, and by many accounts put together more academically and intellectually sound panels.
By rights, the city should also have been basking in the afterglow of Basant, had the provincial government not have been idiotic enough to shut down the festivities that brought it fame, fortune and most importantly, gave people an opportunity to be out on the streets, having a good time, at a time when the city is at its most beautiful.
(Yes, the kite-string has caused much death and damage, but the answer to that lies in shutting down the manufacture and sale of that sort of string, not banning the flying of kites.)
All of this is very good, seemingly anachronistic, news in a country where the headlines depict an altogether grim reality where the discussion is not on who the upcoming author is but on the threat to the very existence of the state.
How can the apparent uptick in festivities be explained, given a context where logic dictates that gloom should prevail?
For one thing, it can be argued that this is evidence that those who wish to push Pakistan backwards are in a minority, that most people want and actively engage with a forward-oriented, progressive state and social fabric.
The organisers and attendees of all these festivals, all these thousands, were saying that this is what the face of the country should be.
It can also be viewed through the prism of the resilience shown by a liberal Pakistan in face of the wave of extremism poised to wash over us.
It constitutes, in fact, evidence of people actively making the choice to resist. That is reason to hope that the future could be better than it is today.
There is the converse argument, though, which I sincerely hope will prove untrue: that this is part of progressive Pakistan’s last hurrah.
The writer is a member of staff.
hajrahmumtaz@gmail.com
Beyond clichés
PAKISTAN’S doublespeak on security policies is notorious throughout the world. Last week, the government extended its practice of saying one thing while doing another into the realm of social issues.
PAKISTAN’S doublespeak on security policies is notorious throughout the world. Last week, the government extended its practice of saying one thing while doing another into the realm of social issues.
Addressing the 58th session of the UN Commission on the Status of Women in New York, the federal law secretary reiterated Pakistan’s commitment to empower women and observe international laws pertaining to women’s rights. Meanwhile, back home, the state passively oversaw the regression of women’s rights.
The Council of Islamic Ideology (CII) pronounced laws prohibiting child marriage to be un-Islamic, and called for changes to marriage laws that require men to seek their wives’ consent before taking on a new bride.
A girl fatally set herself on fire after the release on bail of men accused of gang raping her. Nurses protesting in front of the Punjab Assembly for improved job security were baton-charged by the police.
A national sporting hero received limited condemnation for voicing archaic views about women’s place in society (though social media buzz forced him to clarify his comments).
Civil society organisations have asked whether the timing of the CII’s declaration on child marriage, and the Sharifs’ silence on the matter, are part of a sinister plot to appease the Pakistani Taliban ahead of negotiations.
More likely, the government is able to engage with the TTP because so many of their barbaric views, including those about the role of women in society, are widely held.
No one needs reminding of the appalling status of women in this country. Even Pakistan’s grand claim to have achieved one of the highest ratios of women parliamentarians in South Asia is half-baked — there is no female representation in the Balochistan cabinet, and only two women are included as junior ministers in the federal cabinet.
This situation persists even though the status of women is a good indication of the country’s overall trajectory. So what can be done about the regressive approaches to women’s rights?
Slights to women such as those that made headlines last week do provoke histrionics amongst women’s rights activists, and we are reminded that Pakistan is a nation of Benazirs and Malalas.
Since the fading of the organised women’s movement in the 1980s, emancipated Pakistani women have increasingly relied on the following narrative to demand rights: don’t mistreat us, some of us are amazing.
No doubt, there are exceptional Pakistani women. But these exceptions do not need more championing (even though they are attacked and labelled Western stooges and blasphemers).
The problem with exceptions is that they are easily written off by those who have the power to improve the lot of women: lawmakers, law-enforcing agencies, members of the judiciary, clerics, feudal lords, journalists.
How does one convince these people that sidelining and suppressing women is in no one’s interest, not even their own?
There’s a strong economic argument to be made for empowering women. When women’s labour force participation increases, economic productivity soars.
When women own land, agricultural productivity increases and children eat healthier. When women are educated, child malnourishment and infant mortality rates decline, leading to a stronger next-generation labour force.
Any country that empowers its women inevitably sees economic growth for several generations.
Politicians should also be threatened by the idea that an anti-woman stance could soon render them unelectable. Women cast 40pc of the votes in the last general elections.
Pakistan is also currently undergoing a transformation as its middle-class booms and rapid urbanisation makes rural values redundant. Women in cities have to be able to move freely and contribute to households that can’t possibly survive on single incomes.
Today’s new middle classes may have some conservative hangovers where women are concerned but will soon face up to realities and seek genuine government investment in women’s literacy, health and mobility (even if they do it in segregated spaces, with headscarves on).
Pakistan’s snivelling at the UN about how deeply it cares for women’s rights suggests that international perceptions still matter to our placid politicians. For too long, Pakistan has gotten away with being able to claim the first female prime minister in the Muslim world.
The experiences of Malala Yousafzai, Mukhtaran Mai and others have received much international attention and will be highlighted in Pakistan’s record when the world tries to paint us as a pariah state.
To maintain any standing in the international community, Pakistan cannot allow for regression in women’s rights.
One wishes the universally held principle of respecting women’s rights were enough to motivate pro-women state action. But in a country where everything is for sale, perhaps these cynical, bottom-line arguments will prove more persuasive.
The writer is a freelance journalist.
huma.yusuf@gmail.com
Chicken à la Kiev
THE most renowned culinary offering named for Ukraine’s fair capital is probably not being consumed extensively in Kiev as Ukraine faces the loss of Crimea and possibly other eastern parts of the country. But the ‘heroes’ of Kiev’s Maidan Square, egged on by their Western patrons, probably brought this fate on themselves by playing ‘chicken’ with the Russian bear.
THE most renowned culinary offering named for Ukraine’s fair capital is probably not being consumed extensively in Kiev as Ukraine faces the loss of Crimea and possibly other eastern parts of the country. But the ‘heroes’ of Kiev’s Maidan Square, egged on by their Western patrons, probably brought this fate on themselves by playing ‘chicken’ with the Russian bear.
The portents for the denouement of this crisis aren’t pleasant. There is an assertive leader in the Kremlin for whom the Soviet Union’s dissolution was the 20th century’s greatest tragedy. On the opposite side, is a wordy US president vulnerable to pressure from Republican hawks demanding penalties on Putin.
Fortunately, the West understands it has no viable military option to reverse Russia’s Crimean takeover. Yet, additional Nato fighters have been deployed to Poland and the Baltic states evoking Moscows deployment of its fighters in Belarus. Latest reports of Russian military concentrations along Ukraine’s northeastern border have intensified fears of wider military intervention by Moscow.
So far, the West’s penalties against Russia remain symbolic — a few travel bans and suspension of (non-existent) military cooperation and (unpromising) trade talks. However, the threatened trade restrictions and exclusion of Russian financial institutions from dollar transactions would hurt the economy.
Russia’s economy would of course suffer from sanctions and trade and financial disruption. It could ameliorate the pain by diverting its oil and gas exports and trade to China and securing Beijing’s financial support.
Europe too would feel the pain. Although Europe’s trade with Russia is only 1pc of its GDP, it consists largely of oil and gas imports which, despite the optimistic claims in Washington, cannot be met by the US or other friendly sources, at least in the near term. The present glimmers of European economic recovery could be dimmed as growth, dependent on stable energy supplies, stalls and risk-averse external investment shies away.
A European slowdown would have a knock-on impact on the nascent US economic recovery given the intimate mutual dependency across the Atlantic. All would suffer as the integrated global economy goes into reverse.
The strategic shift may be even more dramatic. Europe would once again be clearly divided between West and East. As the economic pain is felt, dissent is likely within the Western alliance, threatening the cohesion of a European Union already in disrepute with several of its oldest members.
With the US newly preoccupied by a European crisis, and still engaged in the Middle East turmoil, China’s rise in Asia would be more pronounced. The Russia-China partnership would be reinforced. China may be uncomfortable with Russia’s trampling of Ukraine’s territorial integrity, a principle vital to prevent the breakaway of Taiwan, Tibet or Xinkiang. But it has lived with other instances where the West has supported the territorial division of sovereign states. While China’s formal position on the Ukraine crisis will remain neutral, it is likely to support Moscow because its main preoccupation is with Western attempts to contain its rise as a global power.
Russia’s cooperation on a number of issues — Afghanistan, Middle East, Syria, Iran, terrorism, etc — would no longer be available. The international management of these and other global challenges may become virtually impossible. As in the Cold War, the UN Security Council could face paralysis.
Yet, a new Cold War is not inevitable. Apart from some Cold Warriors, there seems to be a desire on both sides to find a peaceful solution. However, positions remain far apart on the nature of such a solution and how it should be achieved.
Moscow, on the other hand, considers the ouster of President Yanukovych to have been achieved by forcible and illegal means and the interim government in Kiev as illegitimate. It wants the process to commence from the Feb 21 agreement reached between Yanukovych and the then opposition parties, and signed by three West European foreign ministers (but not by Russia), to form a national unity government to organise new elections.
Until there’s agreement on the starting point for talks, substantive negotiations are unlikely. The Lavrov-Kerry London encounter has not made much headway. Putin has conveyed he will not take a decision regarding Crimean accession to Russia until after the hastily organised March 16 Crimean referendum. If Putin accepts the referendum’s foregone result, the crisis may reach boiling point.
Urgent and innovative diplomacy is needed to devise an agreed basis for the talks and, to explore in these, ways of accommodating the concerns of the Russian’s and all Ukrainians. Success would be the occasion for a celebratory dinner with Chicken à la Kiev as the main course.
The writer is a former Pakistan ambassador to the UN.
The year of dialogue
THERE’S stuff they’ll tell you and there’s stuff they won’t. Usually, it’s what they won’t tell you that’s more interesting.
THERE’S stuff they’ll tell you and there’s stuff they won’t. Usually, it’s what they won’t tell you that’s more interesting.
Publicly, the army is all ‘we can fix this, let us do this’ on blunting the TTP threat militarily in NWA. The government, meanwhile, is all ‘talks can work’ on blunting the TTP threat through dialogue.
Oddly enough, if you factor in what they aren’t saying publicly, it’s the government that’s got the stronger case right now.
Privately, what’s being said about the boys and what the boys are saying are, in the main, four things. One, good at counter-insurgency? Swat and South Waziristan are presented as the two main successes. Right.
The guy who led the insurgency against which the boys had so much success in 2009 is now the insurgent-in-chief of the TTP nationally. And, four and a half years on, a third of SWA has yet to be cleared, forget held.
Two, how many days are there in a week and weeks in a month? The original assessment proffered by the boys to knock the TTP off its NWA perch was days going on to two weeks.
Then, two weeks became four. As more information filtered in, four became six. This was happening in real time, as the pols sat down with the uniforms to debate the options. Certainty, it quickly became apparent, only extended to public pronouncements.
It wasn’t just the timeline though. Ultimately, clearing isn’t the problem, stabilisation is: you pummel the TTP, chase them out of NWA, then what? Six months later, a year later, what happens?
Three, the boys weren’t being entirely honest about the numbers or identities of the folk they’ve snatched up and kept tucked away.
Once the TTP made prisoners a public issue and the pols caught on that the boys weren’t telling them everything they knew, the suspicions hardened. What else were the boys hiding?
It’s little things, stuff that folk barely dare whisper, strange bits of information picked up by the civilian antennae and noses on the ground that have made them blanch.
Is it just consorting with the enemy to keep tabs on them or something more? The pols can only guess what it means and how it all adds up.
Of course, the pols are a slippery lot too, well versed in telling a fib or two of their own.
The TTP is violating the ceasefire — and the government knows it.
It’s not just the blasts that have made the news. In areas that TV cameras and public opinion do not particularly care about, bodies have continued to turn up. Localised, low-level insurgent violence — TTP violence — is ongoing.
But take the blasts that have made the news too. Assume that the TTP is not lying when it says that it has not ordered the bombings and that splinter groups are creating problems.
OK, but what are the mechanics and logistics of an attack that grabs headlines? The bombers are rarely locals, they come from outside. Even the most rudimentary of attacks needs some local knowledge: about the target, the best route to approach the target without getting caught, a safe house to stay in overnight.
Someone has to drop off the suicide vest or bomb, given that bomber and bomb rarely, if ever, come from the same place or travel together.
What kind of splinter group has that kind of capacity and reach? None.
They necessarily would need to borrow resources from a bigger, more established entity. That entity is the TTP.
The government knows this, but it’s an inconvenient truth. So the public fiction of splinter groups that can’t be stopped is being hawked.
Yet, for all its fibs and disingenuity, the PML-N has pulled a very real rabbit out of its hat: it’s got the TTP to declare a ceasefire.
Clearly, it’s not a total ceasefire, but it is significant — and the TTP is serious about continuing it. Why is a secret that only Nisar knows the answer to, but it’s real and it’s given the government both space and time for the dialogue option.
So what next?
Again, the public pronouncements and the private assessments diverge — a lot.
Decisive stage? Result-oriented? Final committee? Hardly.
Privately, the guess is: six to eight weeks, then a further reconstitution of the committee. The trickiest part will be to keep the ceasefire alive while trying to parse the good TTP from the bad TTP.
At the moment, that looks like the Mehsuds in Waziristan and the Afghan-based TTP lot. But what if the TTP closes ranks instead of allowing sections of itself to be lured into the government’s embrace?
Too conveniently, the speculation about the reconcilables versus irreconcilables inside the TTP tends to split them up according to the degree of antipathy the army feels towards them.
A strategy based partially on the red lines of one side instead of the realities on the other side may be no strategy at all.
Still, if the government has its way, there will be no operation in 2014. And, right now, it looks like the government may get its way.
The writer is a member of staff.
cyril.a@gmail.com
Twitter: @cyalm
Long shadow of terror
TERRORISM no longer causes sustained outrage in Pakistan. This is reflected in our resigned acceptance of the now off, now on negotiations with the perpetrators of atrocities. People have become used to bombs going off, their compatriots being maimed and killed. Even those killed acquire only statistical reality rather than flesh and blood empathy.
TERRORISM no longer causes sustained outrage in Pakistan. This is reflected in our resigned acceptance of the now off, now on negotiations with the perpetrators of atrocities. People have become used to bombs going off, their compatriots being maimed and killed. Even those killed acquire only statistical reality rather than flesh and blood empathy.
The well-heeled live unconcerned, and this indifference becomes even more shocking when it is extended to the plight of children caught up in a life of daily terror.
Our children are at the heart of this war in ways not normally analysed or empathised with. Malala Yousafzai and Aitizaz Hasan furnish two different examples. Malala’s biography shows how children are not only being denied access to education in militancy-infested regions but also pay the cost of pursuing that right to education. Luckily, she survived to tell her story.
Both Malala and Aitizaz show what an excruciating ordeal children in Pakistan must be going through. Both signify how children are being affected in terms of access to education and the physical dangers involved in exercising the right to live a normal life. In addition, there are the psychological effects of terrorism, which is demonstrated in feelings of trauma, anxiety and horror.
One study conducted in the aftermath of the Oklahoma bombing showed that 50pc of schoolchildren suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder which consisted of a complex web of symptoms including helplessness, fear, anxiety and horror. This study demonstrated how even one traumatic event can adversely affect schoolchildren.
Just imagine how deep and long-lasting the psychological effects on Pakistani children would be when terrorism has become a daily part of our lives. The accumulated damage to children must be high given the daily exposure to stress triggered by atrocities occurring on our streets and being covered in a sensational manner by the ratings-driven media.
One friend recently told me that his daughter lives in mortal fear of being killed by terrorists despite his constant assurance that the house is guarded by a permanent security guard. His daughter is afraid that the barbarians are always at the gate. I am sure such thoughts are typical of most children today, who must be enduring a mix of fear and anxiety all the time. There are already signs of this constant unease, reflected in children’s drawings and writing appearing in publications for young readers.
Terrorism is also harming children in other ways. As a result of the Talibanisation of the polio vaccination campaign, children are being deprived of life-saving and life-maintaining medical interventions. This may lead to the maiming of a whole new generation.
Children also constitute a considerable proportion of those killed in drone attacks. Estimates put the number of children killed at a very conservative 176, yet much of the press commentary focuses on political point-scoring and the propping up of ambitious political careers. Little mention is made of the number of children killed and maimed as a direct result of the drone attacks.
Our response to the plight of children is tin-eared at best and indifferent at worst. This attitude needs to change. We can change the nature and direction of the debate about terrorism if we put the welfare of our children at the very heart of it. By rescuing children we can save ourselves and acquit ourselves honourably in the court of history. This would save us much flip-flopping on the issue of an operation against the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan, too.
The writer is an Islamabad-based development consultant and policy analyst.
drarifazad@gmail.com
Anger and amnesia
THE last Indian politician to send journalists to jail, most notably Kuldip Nayar, was Mrs Indira Gandhi. Her reason was an Emergency she imposed upon India in 1975 to preserve her power. In the 1977 general elections, Indian voters showed precisely what they thought of such dictatorship when it threw Congress out of power. This went a long way to protect press freedom from potential censors.
THE last Indian politician to send journalists to jail, most notably Kuldip Nayar, was Mrs Indira Gandhi. Her reason was an Emergency she imposed upon India in 1975 to preserve her power. In the 1977 general elections, Indian voters showed precisely what they thought of such dictatorship when it threw Congress out of power. This went a long way to protect press freedom from potential censors.
Politicians realised that some pillars of democracy are inviolate. After nearly four decades we have a politician, Arvind Kejriwal, who has promised to send Indian journalists to jail in large numbers, once he comes to power, because they have been purchased. He has extended the courtesy of doing so only after an inquiry, but left no doubt about his judgement, or the virulence of his punishment. He has since denied making such remarks, despite video proof.
Kejriwal could be suffering from that selective amnesia that comes with growing paranoia. He has forgotten that winter afternoon last December when he was sworn in as chief minister of Delhi, to a crescendo of handsome hosannas on television and acres of praise on newsprint. The journalists are the same. The owners of media companies are the same. Perhaps what has changed is that the inner Kejriwal is coming on display.
The switch began to get apparent when the Delhi CM’s office became too small for Kejriwal’s ambitions. He continues to nurture the illusion that just as he became an Accidental CM with Congress support, he can become a Miracle PM with Congress help in May. So he has taken on the job that Rahul Gandhi has so conspicuously been unable to accomplish, to tarnish the reputation of Narendra Modi. Robert Vadra has disappeared from his radar; and a bureaucrat who protected Vadra has become his candidate in Haryana.
Kejriwal did not bargain for media scrutiny. Journalists reported dissension within his party with the same eagerness they show for his competitors. There were stories on NGO funding, and allegations against his senior associates. He was surely also frustrated by the depth of Modi’s support. Modi offers something in a national election that Kejriwal cannot, a stable government which can nurture an ill economy back into health.
Elections demand composure under pressure. Anger is provocative, not least because it disconcerts the voter. An angry leader is easily tempted by the desire to shoot the messenger, but that is crime without purpose. It solves nothing. You only injure your own credibility. Here is a thought for Arvind Kejriwal: if Indian media could be fully purchased, no government would have any problems. It is also bizarre to believe that Indian media could actually unite for or against any individual or on any issue.
Kejriwal should read the full text of CEC Sampath’s letter. In the first paragraph Sampath recalls “with gratitude the exemplary role played by Indian media in reinforcing our electoral democracy, and more specifically in lending critical support to Election Commission in delivery of credible elections each time”. This is the balance which makes the search for deviation legitimate. Indian media has the support of Indians because it has done its job, without too much fuss, most of the time. This really is as good as it gets in this contentious business called democracy.
Just in case Arvind Kejriwal has not noticed, Kuldip Nayar continues to write — and very critically of Narendra Modi when so inclined.
The writer is an author and editorial director of The Sunday Guardian, published from Delhi.
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